Remote Australia Online

High-quality schooling fosters the development of creative, informed and resilient citizens who are able to participate fully in a dynamic and globalised world. It also leads to many benefits for individuals and society, including higher levels of employment and earnings, and better health, longevity, tolerance and social cohesion. Overall, Australia has a relatively high-performing schooling system when measured against international benchmarks, such as the Programme for International Student Assessment. However, over the last decade the performance of Australian students has declined at all levels of achievement, notably at the top end. This decline has contributed to the fall in Australia’s international position. In 2000, only one country outperformed Australia in reading and scientific literacy and only two outperformed Australia in mathematical literacy. By 2009, six countries outperformed Australia in reading and scientific literacy and 12 outperformed Australia in mathematical literacy. In addition to declining performance across the board, Australia has a significant gap between its highest and lowest performing students. This performance gap is far greater in Australia than in many Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries, particularly those with high-performing schooling systems. A concerning proportion of Australia’s lowest performing students are not meeting minimum standards of achievement. There is also an unacceptable link between low levels of achievement and educational disadvantage, particularly among students from low socioeconomic and Indigenous backgrounds. Funding for schooling must not be seen simply as a financial matter. Rather, it is about investing to strengthen and secure Australia’s future. Investment and high expectations must go hand in hand. Every school must be appropriately resourced to support every child and every teacher must expect the most from every child. The review was established to develop a funding system for Australian schooling which is transparent, fair, financially sustainable and effective in promoting excellent outcomes for all Australian students.

This research report arose out of work which the authors prepared for the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from their Families. Many Indigenous organisations provided submissions to the Inquiry which called for consideration or implementation of international models for the delivery of child welfare services to Indigenous communities. This report reviews a range of Indigenous child welfare models developed in Canada, New Zealand and the USA. This Report is responding specifically to the interest in overseas models. Its intention is to provide information and ideas for consideration in the Australian context. It does not consider Australian models which are reviewed elsewhere. The research was carried out through extensive data base searches and by writing to indigenous child welfare service providers in New Zealand, Canada and the USA. As noted by other researches there is extremely limited information available on indigenous child welfare services, particularly information prepared by and for indigenous organisations. Where ever possible such information has been reviewed. A database of international indigenous child welfare services contacted is provided with this report. The report includes three sections. The first part reviews legislative models for the delivery of child welfare to indigenous communities. Before reviewing the legislative models a brief historical overview of state responses to indigenous families is provided. Legislation in Canada, USA, New Zealand and New South Wales is reviewed. The second part of the report thematically considers issues relevant to the delivery of child welfare services to indigenous communities. This part of the report includes consideration of issues of cultural competence, community control, and family group conferencing. The third part of the report considers the intersection between child welfare and juvenile justice issues.

The topic of VET provision for school students and other learners in remote Indigenous communities has been the focus of several recent Commonwealth Education funded projects. In one project, managed by Education Queensland, pilot projects were conducted over a two year period in three states, with evaluation undertaken by a team including Ralph Catts. In a separate study, NCVER [National Centre for Vocational Education Research] awarded project funding to a team led by Sue Gelade to investigate how differing contexts impacted on the aspirations and consequent outcomes of Indigenous students undertaking VET courses across the differing localities of urban, regional and remote. This paper reports findings in relation to remote community access to VET as well as issues raised about community attitudes towards VET and its perceived outcomes. Common elements emerged in the two evaluation reports, which strengthens the findings as the data is based on needs across different communities.

The dominance of the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme in certain regions of Australia complicates the interpretation of any analysis of Indigenous employment. In order to enhance interpretation, the factors underlying Indigenous employment should be examined separately for areas where the CDEP scheme is relatively prominent. The 1994 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Survey (NATSIS) and census data between 1981 and 1996 are used to highlight potential biases in the effects of educational attainment (and other factors) on employment prospects of Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations.

May 2007 is the 40th anniversary of the 1967 Referendum, when an overwhelming majority of the Australian population voted to end discrimination against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.1 While some gains have been made since 1967,2 inequalities in health status between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians remain. In the Medical Journal of Australia alone, medical and health professionals have contributed to over 150 articles about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health in the past 6 years. All levels of government have set out frameworks, strategies and recommendations to improve the health of Indigenous Australians, and have celebrated their commitments.3 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders and representative organisations have supported exemplary health programs and shared these success stories in the hope of having their capacity enhanced to better provide for their community’s health needs.4-6 The research has been done,7 so why are governments not acting on their own recommendations?

Developmental prevention involves the manipulation of multiple risk and protective factors early in developmental pathways that lead to offending, often at transition points between life phases. The emphasis is not just on individuals but also their social contexts. Risk and protective factors for crime and violence in Aboriginal communities include such standard factors as child abuse, school failure and supportive family environments, but additional factors arise from unique aspects of Aboriginal history, culture and social structure. This paper draws on existing literature, interviews with urban Aboriginal community workers, and data from the Sibling Study to delineate those interrelated risk factors (forced removals, dependence, institutionalised racism, cultural features and substance use) and the equally interrelated protective factors (cultural resilience, personal controls and family control measures). These are ‘meta factors’ that provide a lens through which the standard lists can be interpreted, and are a starting point for the understanding of indigenous developmental pathways.

The problems of violence and child abuse that beset some Indigenous communites are issues on the Australian public record and in social conscience. Numerous inquiries, reports and commentaries have highlighted the severe, widespread and sometimes chronic violence and child abuse in some communitee. Indigenous Australians are subject to higher rates of violent victimisation than other Australians. Based on data from surveys, service providers and the criminal justice system, this report examines how Indigenous violent victimisation rates vary with demographic, psychological and cultural factors. Determining victimisation risk, while constrained by data and survey information, enables identification of how risk is affected at community, local and regional levels to allow for implementation of localised prevention strategies. Reduction of victimisation risks through addressing external environmental influences requires a multifaceted and holistic approach.

Indigenous peoples in remote contexts are engaging with new communication and information technologies, yet this may not be realised by mainstream vocational education and training (VET) providers. This paper will utilise evidence from recent case studies that suggests that new technologies have a significant role to play in the development of networks, resources and learning spaces for remote Australian Indigenous peoples. We explore key barriers to the use of new technologies including restrictive funding models and poor cross-agency and organisation coordination which hinders the provision of services, interoperability issues and the ability to respond to the demand for emerging uses for technologies. This paper also discusses key issues around the suitability of available resources, applicability of the industry-based nationally accredited training packages in remote contexts, variable educational profiles of the learners, and the variable skills of teaching staff to develop and use suitable resources and technologies.

What constitutes research? What is evaluation? While there are distinctions between the two terms, both appear to be distinct disciplines in the literature. However, both may involve similar methods of inquiry. There may be subtle differences in the purposes of evaluation and research but perhaps the differences are more related to the perceptions than the methods or the purposes. Evaluation is often seen as a process of ‘assessment’—what works and why—while research is perhaps seen more as a process of ‘discovery’. Some may suggest that the task of research is to be able to ‘generalise’ while the task of evaluation is to ‘particularise’. Others may argue that evaluation begins with practice while research begins with theory. There is a sense in which these are ‘chicken and egg’ type arguments because indeed in each case the two notions may go hand in hand. Even within the discipline there are arguments about whether evaluation should be seen as based on constructivist or positivist paradigms (e.g. van der Knaap 2004) in much the same way that qualitative and quantitative—and mixed methods—researchers argue about the respective merits of their own methods (e.g. Burrell and Morgan 1979; Johnson et al. 2007; Morgan 2007). Based on the foregoing, for most intents and purposes in this presentation I would argue that the term ‘researcher’ and ‘evaluator’ can be used interchangeably. Therefore we may be able to set aside what may be seen to be a semantic distinction and consider more fully the implications of their role—in this case within the context of diverse locations and situations within the Northern Territory. In this presentation I refer to myself as an evaluator because I have been contracted to ‘evaluate’. However, much of my work involves. In this presentation I want to share some of my learnings—in particular, those things that I see as pitfalls—potential snags—that may or may not be avoided in practice. These learnings come from working as part of a team, and I acknowledge them for their contribution to these learnings. In doing so I will give an overview of the kind of evaluations we have been involved with. I will also outline some distinctions in the field of evaluation research, which I believe are worth noting.

This paper sets out to document the scale of Indigenous housing need as recorded in the most recent (2006) Census at a regional level and how this level of need changed between 2001 and 2006. What the results show is that the issue of Indigenous housing presents two challenges for government: catch-up and keep-up. Regarding ‘catch-up’, using an internationally recognised occupancy standard, the Indigenous population is still experiencing substantial overcrowding with the percentage living in overcrowded households 4.8 times that of the non-Indigenous population. While the level of need is greatest in remote regions, to reduce the disparity between the two populations it is in capital city regions where the greatest number of houses would be required. There have been some improvements in absolute terms using a related measure since 2001, but the gap with non-Indigenous Australians is widening. Population growth presents the other dilemma in meeting Indigenous housing need—that is, the challenge of keeping-up.

This research examines the links between teachers’ understandings, professional learning and government policy with regard to improving literacy outcomes for students of Indigenous descent in a metropolitan school in the southern suburbs of Perth Western Australia. This particular school has had a ten percent Indigenous cohort since it was founded and has an Aboriginal Education policy in place. While the focus on Indigenous education has been on closing the gap for students of Indigenous descent, research has tended to focus on the students rather than investigating the knowledge base of teachers. In this study, the specific focus is on a group of metropolitan teachers and the system rather than the students themselves. This study critiques what research and policy deem to be good practice for the time period between 2003 and 2006 then goes on to investigate if these programs and strategies are actually being utilised in professional learning and classroom practice. Carspecken’s (1996) five stages of a Critical Ethnographic Case Study provide the platform from which to critique and observe the culture of the school. The teachers at the school agreed to be part of an in-depth investigation of their beliefs, knowledge base and classroom practices. Twenty-six teachers completed the study questionnaire, with five teachers participating in the follow-up interview. Using themes developed from the questionnaires and interviews, classroom observations were utilised to support or interrogate teacher perceptions. Analysis of the data gave a voice to these teachers, putting forward the changes they thought needed to be developed at a school and systems level to help them improve opportunities for their Aboriginal students. This research indicates that the Case Study teachers believed there were ways to improve their access to professional learning and knowledge of programs and cultural aspects that would help improve the literacy opportunities for their Aboriginal students. They felt that the links between major professional learning strategies, such as Getting It Right Literacy, and the programs highlighted as good practice by the Creating a Vision document (2001-2004) needed to be made clearer. They commented on the number of programs that came into the school professional reading section of the library without professional learning strategies. Giving these teachers a voice draws attention to their needs and concerns. Moreover, through this thesis, their combined voices provide an alternate perspective to the issue of improving literacy outcomes for Aboriginal students. One of the most important messages this study gives to the system is that the Case Study teachers do not believe they have acquired enough information or professional learning to adequately assist Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students with literacy in their metropolitan classrooms. Neither funding nor the ability of Aboriginal students to learn were seen as key issues. Rather it was the distinct lack of articulation among policy, funding and professional learning, in addition to the failure to make Aboriginal Education part of core business, that is highlighted by these metropolitan teachers.

Background: Poor housing conditions in remote Indigenous communities in Australia are a major underlying factor in poor child health, including high rates of skin infections. The aim of this study is to test approaches to data collection, analysis and feedback for a follow-up study of the impact of housing conditions on child health. Methods: Participation was negotiated in three communities with community councils and individual participants. Data were collected by survey of dwelling condition, interviews, and audit health centre records of children aged under seven years. Community feedback comprised immediate report of items requiring urgent repair followed by a summary descriptive report. Multivariate models were developed to calculate adjusted incidence rate ratios (IRR) for skin infections and their association with aspects of household infrastructure. Results: There was a high level of participation in all communities. Health centre records were inadequate for audit in one community. The records of 138 children were available for development of multivariate analytic models. Rates of skin infection in dwellings that lacked functioning facilities for removing faeces or which had concrete floors may be up to twice as high as for other dwellings, and the latter association appears to be exacerbated by crowding. Younger children living in older dwellings may also be at approximately two-fold higher risk. A number of socioeconomic and socio-demographic variables also appear to be directly associated with high rates of skin infections. Conclusion: The methods used in the pilot study were generally feasible, and the analytic approach provides meaningful results. The study provides some evidence that new and modern housing is contributing to a reduction in skin infections in Aboriginal children in remote communities, particularly when this housing leads to a reduction in crowding and the effective removal of human waste.

Commissioner is required to report annually to the Attorney-General regarding the exercise and enjoyment of human rights by Australia's Indigenous peoples. This provision also allows the Commissioner to make recommendations as to action that should be taken to ensure such enjoyment. The Commissioner has a role to monitor and evaluate the human rights performance of Australian governments in concrete and specific circumstances. This includes assessing domestic situations against international human rights benchmarks.

Covers the issues that indigenous communities face, with specific chapters devoted to the areas of children, youth, family violence, and criminal justice. "The health and welfare of Australia's Indigenous population is marked by recurring and seemingly intractable issues such as poor access to services, family violence, and high levels of infant mortality. More than 200 years of historical, cultural and political factors have shaped Indigenous lives - and the perceptions of social workers. Linda Briskman throws down the gauntlet to practitioners and students of social work, challenging them to pursue a better, more informed way of meeting the unique needs of this community. She covers the issues that Indigenous communities face, with specific chapters devoted to the areas of children, youth, family violence, health, and criminal justice. Case studies are supported by literature and research to provide practitioners and students with a good understanding of the circumstances they will be presented with when working with Indigenous communities. Good practice is marked by a recognition of the strengths of communities and an understanding of how to acknowledge and facilitate these. This book shows social workers how they can develop their skills in this area and excel in providing services with the best fit for Indigenous communities.

As with all economic activities that consider proximity to a client base as part of their locational decision-making, the geographic distribution of banking and financial services has, until quite recently at least, been determined largely by a spatial calculus of market demand and supply. In this estimation, market thresholds dictated by population (client) potential have been an overriding factor. Historically, because of the face-to-face mode of service delivery, the consequence was a widely distributed banking infrastructure reaching down the settlement hierarchy to the smallest of rural service centres. Over the past 15 years this has dramatically changed. As demonstrated by the House of Representatives Inquiry into Regional Banking Services (Commonwealth of Australia 1999), and as summarised by Beal (2002), market dynamics have induced a restructuring of the banking and financial services sector involving a shift away from face-to-face service delivery, due to branch closures, towards electronic modes of customer interaction. This, in turn, has undermined the link between population distribution and service distribution, at least in its classical form as a close relationship throughout the settlement hierarchy. At the same time, it could be argued that rationalisation of the system has an entirely demographic rationale—as a retreat of infrastructure to the larger centres of population with enhanced economies of scale and profitability. According to one submission to the House of Representatives Inquiry, individual banks review the trends in an area, look at what has happened to their business over the long term, and make projections as to what is likely to happen (Commonwealth of Australia 1999: 20). If the answers point to reduced profitability, then decisions are made to downgrade or foreclose. According to the findings of the inquiry (Commonwealth of Australia 1999: 27), the withdrawal or downgrading of banking services can impact on individuals in a number of ways. Individuals suffer the inconvenience of having to travel to do their banking. This can have security implications if large amounts of cash are involved. This also adds to the cost of banking through fuel costs, wear on vehicles, and time expended. Savings are reduced due to the disruption of regular savings patterns and the increased cost of banking. Cash withdrawals are larger to compensate for loss of daily access to banks, which also has security implications. Loss of investment income. Difficulty in obtaining credit from banks. The increased need for credit from local businesses in lieu of cash. Difficulties in cashing cheques; and Lack of access to financial advice. As for the impact on businesses and other corporate entities, similar effects in regard to increased travel are obviously felt, but the inquiry specifically notes the following (Commonwealth of Australia 1999: 28): an increase in the demand for cheque-cashing services; the loss of cash sales due to consumers shopping in larger towns that have banking services; the accumulation of excess cash due to an inability to deposit takings on a daily basis; an increase in bad debts due to the need to extend credit to local customers who do not have regular access to cash; and delays in depositing cheques, which then delays the honouring of cheques. From the perspective of Indigenous individuals, families, households, community organisations and enterprises, these impacts must be considered against a background of relatively low economic status and a financial cycle in many localities that is best described as one of feast and famine (Westbury 1999). Thus the essential framework for an appreciation of appropriate policy responses to recent changes in banking infrastructure is a combination of spatial and socioeconomic contexts—who is in touch with what services, who is not, and where? This paper seeks to provide such a framework by outlining the nature of Indigenous population and settlement distribution. Comparison with the majority non-Indigenous population is made as it is the market power of the latter which provides the stimulus for decision-making regarding the spatial allocation of mainstream services. A second aim is to provide summary standard indicators of relative Indigenous socioeconomic status, particularly those that may have some bearing on options for the provision and delivery of appropriate banking and financial services. It should be understood that the emphasis in this scene-setting is on issues to do with the physical access of Indigenous people to services as determined by their geographic proximity, and to a lesser extent by their economic capacity. Behavioural influences on service access, such as might flow from social and cultural practice, are not considered, even though it is recognised that these may often hold great sway. Also to be noted is a distinction drawn between personal banking services in the form of personal accounts, loans and financial advice, and commercial or corporate banking services that handle monies administered by organisations and enterprises. Because of a lack of data with which to quantify demand for the latter services, this paper is mainly focused by default on issues related to personal banking services.

While the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) inquiry into rural and remote education and the Vinson Inquiry have highlighted many areas of concern and suggested solutions they are still only a scratch on the surface of a greater problem. The limited examination of the staffing concerns in rural and remote schools is explained by the holistic nature of these inquiries. It must also be noted that many of the issues raised mask deeper concerns and that a number of the suggested solutions will only succeed if accompanied by further improvements. This research intends to explore a range of issues associated with the attraction and retention of teachers to rural and remote schools and aims to suggest appropriate improvements. It can be taken for granted that a number of suggestions of the HREOC inquiry will be espoused, however in many instances greater detail is required. It is the detail of a number of the suggestions, such as what exactly are incentives to offset the cost of living, which this research and the report aims to provide. Similarly it is issues embedded within some of the concerns raised, such as a sense of professional isolation, that need to be explored.

The Review was commissioned by the Commonwealth Minister for Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, the Hon Jenny Macklin and the Chief Minister of the Northern Territory, the Hon Paul Henderson, in order to assess how to improve the Strategic Indigenous Housing and Infrastructure Program (SIHIP).

There is widespread recognition that strong family relationships and good family functioning are essential for individual, family and community wellbeing, as well as providing long-term benefits to broader society. This is certainly also true in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population, although there are considerable differences in the structures of Aboriginal families and their functional dynamics. Despite the importance of good functioning, there remains a limited evidence base to describe how well Aboriginal families function or the factors that support family harmony or contribute to dysfunction. This paper will discuss the contemporary evidence base, including case studies of programs that work, to provide insights into the protective effects and risks that influence forms of functioning among Aboriginal families. This paper makes extensive use of state-specific research and data. There is a particular focus on recent data describing the level of functioning of Aboriginal families in Western Australia.

'Strengthening Indigenous Community Governance: a step towards advancing Reconciliation in Australia', a paper presented at Peace, Justice and Reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific Region Conference, April 1-3 2005, Queensland University. This paper presents research which is currently underway into the state of Indigenous community governance in Australia. The Indigenous Community Governance Project starts from the hypothesis that good governance of Indigenous communities is essential for effective self-determination and is a key ingredient to successful socio-economic development. It is also critically important to Indigenous people engaging successfully with governments at various levels. Currently there are many changes going on in the governance environment, but little is understood about what makes for culturally legitimate and effective indigenous governance and how to attain it. The Project, supported by the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research at ANU and Reconciliation Australia, has put together a team of researchers who are working with communities, their organisations and leaders, in order to understand how Indigenous governance operates at the local and regional levels. Preliminary work has highlighted a number of issues which will be the subject of more systematic research in coming months and years. Despite important local variations, it is apparent that all the participating community organisations are facing common systemic issues which are outlined.

This discussion paper sets out priorities for building on the work of the Northern Territory Emergency Response and identifies directions for reform, particularly to improve education for children, to expand employment opportunities and to tackle alcohol abuse. It is a starting point for debate and consultation on new approaches and new ideas. The Government wants to hear the ideas and views of Indigenous and non-Indigenous Territorians, and will hold public meetings and community consultations over coming months. These community consultations and public meetings will give people the opportunity to comment on the ideas outlined in the paper and to put forward additional proposals. All future actions taken by the Government will comply with the Racial Discrimination Act, either because they are non-discriminatory, or because they are special measures. Special measures are actions that the Government takes to help people of a particular race claim their human rights equally with others, and to protect the people who need it most. Throughout the past four years, the Australian Government has been working with the Northern Territory Government to jointly strengthen the way we tackle the disadvantage experienced by Aboriginal people and communities. Service delivery in areas such as education, policing, social housing and child protection has traditionally been the responsibility of the Northern Territory Government. The Commonwealth will continue to support the Northern Territory Government to strengthen its capacity to meet expectations and high levels of need in delivering these vital services.

Remote and very remote schools face significant challenges in attaining outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students that are commensurate with all students. A critical aspect of the challenge is getting the mix of factors that influence Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander student outcomes together in a balanced, comprehensive and sustainable manner in a remote context.

The Indigenous Community Governance Project (ICGP) is exploring the nature of Indigenous community governance in Australia to understand what works, what doesn’t work, and why. This is a summary of the findings of the second research report by the ICGP including policy considerations. The second report, Indigenous Community Governance Project: Year Two Research Findings, strongly reinforces the conclusions and relevance of the key issues raised in the project’s preliminary research report, Building Indigenous Community Governance in Australia: Preliminary Research Findings. Findings and policy considerations relate to the complexity of Indigenous community governance, leaders and leadership, Indigenous principles of governance, cultural match and legitimacy, capacity development and institution building and the need for governments to improve their own governance. These findings are based on detailed evidence from over a dozen different case studies of Indigenous community governance in action. The ICGP case studies are based on research sites drawn from a diverse range of community, geographical, cultural and political settings across Australia For background and more detailed information on the ICGP findings please refer to the report at http://www.anu.edu.au/caepr/ICGP_home.php The findings reported here draw on a comparative analysis of detailed research evidence provided over 2006 in Project researchers’ Field Reports, case study reports and published papers from the following: • Anmatjere Community Government Council (ACGC), NT—Will Sanders and Sarah Holcombe • Bunuba Inc. and Kurungal Inc., West Kimberley, WA—Kathryn Thorburn • Laynhapuy Homelands Association, Yirrkala, NT—Frances Morphy • Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation and homelands, Maningrida, NT—Jon Altman • NT Government Regional Authorities policy frameworks, and the West Central Arnhem Land Regional Authority Interim Council, NT —Diane Smith • Thamarrurr Regional Council, Wadeye, NT —Bill Ivory • Wiluna governance environment, WA—Christina Lange • Noongar regional governance, WA—Manu Barcham • Yarnteen Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Corporation, Newcastle, NSW—Diane Smith • The Australian Government Secretaries’ Group on Indigenous Affairs, Canberra—Bill Gray and Will Sanders • International and national frameworks for capacity and community development—Janet Hunt

Talk, Text and Technology is an ethnography of language, learning and literacy in remote Indigenous Australia. This study traces one Indigenous group from the introduction of alphabetic literacy in the 1930s to the recent arrival of digital literacies and new media. This innovative work examines changing social, cultural and linguistic practices across the generations and addresses the implications for language and literacy socialisation.

The second labour of Heracles, the epic struggle with the Hydra, is used in this paper as a metaphor for the diffi culties that may be encountered in analysing and measuring social capital. In Greek mythology, the Hydra ‘had a prodigious dog-like body, and eight or nine snaky heads, one of them immortal’. In a sense, social capital is the intellectual equivalent of the Hydra in that it is conceptualised in many different ways. While the many heads of social capital appear relatively harmless compared to the Hydra, the unquestioning adoption and application of social capital rhetoric is potentially harmful, especially if it distracts policy makers from the real causes of Indigenous poverty and ongoing social exclusion. This paper outlines the conceptual and empirical issues that are likely to plague attempts to measure social capital. After discussing some possible roles for social capital in describing Indigenous poverty, the paper advocates a modest conceptualisation of social capital that focuses on the structure of social networks. Apart from anything else, this minimalist position should limit the scope for misunderstandings arising from cross-cultural differences in the views about the social, cultural and institutional contexts of such networks.

Tangentyere Council is an Aboriginal, community-controlled resource agency, delivering essential services and programmes to 20 autonomous town camp communities in Alice Springs and the Central Australian region. These programmes and services are designed to support Alice Springs and remote community initiatives in the areas of public health, housing, employment and training, youth affairs and early interventions. Two services that are run by Tangentyere Council are the Tangentyere Remote Area Night Patrol project, and the Tangentyere Night Patrol service. See www.tangentyere.org.au for more information.