Remote Australia Online

Investigates the purchase of industrial real estate by small to medium enterprises. Using a three-stage methodology, examined the views of a stakeholder panel, then drew a sample of 450 firms ranging from micro-businesses to large firms and examined the importance of various factors likely to influence the attractiveness of an industrial site. A focus group comprising members of an expert panel was then convened to discuss the findings. Highlights the subjective decision-making associated with the smaller firms in comparison with the “buying centre” objectivity of the larger firms. Owner-managers from micro and small firms were motivated by such personal issues as the proximity of the industrial site to their home, rather than access to transport routes or freight terminals. The findings suggest that government and private sector agencies seeking to develop and market industrial land need to devote more time to understanding the needs of small firms. Also discusses implications for future research.

There are numerous mines that are either planned or are under construction throughout Australia in what have, until now, been regions dominated by broadacre agriculture. While these mining ventures bring new jobs, infrastructure, people and opportunities to their host community, it is usually the case that the management of the social dimension of economic change is often overlooked and the benefits are therefore substantially compromised. This social dimension informs the scope of economic benefits and environmental impacts, just as it determines the potential for inclusive, vibrant communities in which all residents can thrive. Drawing on comprehensive research undertaken in the Shire of Ravensthorpe on the South Coast of Western Australia, this case study focuses on the experiences of two groups of women from a community that until five years ago was dominated by broadacre agriculture but now has considerable mining interests operating within its Shire boundaries. In particular, the work and social experiences of women who are longtime residents of the community are compared with those of women who are recent arrivals, demonstrating the complexity and importance of social dimensions in regional economic development and community management. There are many reasons why it is useful to view community change through women’s experiences. Ground breaking work undertaken by the Minerals Council of Australia in 2007 showed that women’s participation in the minerals industry is limited by a number of key structual issues including low levels of part time work, the industry’s culture of long hours and overwork. It is not surprising then, that women are less likely to participate in the industry but rather observe and experience the industry and its impact on the community from outside the industry.

The Atlas provides detailed analyses and commentary on over 800 non-capital city Statistical Local Areas (SLAs) across Australia on the following themes: • Population—dynamics of demographic change. • Education—levels of educational attainment and work skills affecting future labour supply for industry. • Participation in the labour market—characteristics of labour markets. • Employment—industry diversification and changing concentrations of industry. • Families—social change affecting families and households. • Income—variation in levels of income. • Disadvantage—the extent of need for support for people with a disability is used as an indicator of disadvantage. • Access to information technology—levels of access to the internet for individuals business and communities • Housing—differences in housing tenure. • Community participation—involvement in the community through volunteering activities. This release of the Atlas includes information from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) 2006 Census of Population and Housing Census and compares trends with 1996 and 2001 Census data. The Atlas provides information for policy development on many critically important issues including: • drought • climate variability and change • water shortages • regional development

This Rapid Rural Appraisal report from the Research Centre for Stronger Communities at Curtin University offers a ‘snapshot’ study of the community response to the closure, on January 21st 2009, of the BHP Billiton Ravensthorpe Nickel Operation (RNO) in Western Australia. This study forms part of an ongoing 5 year research program in the South Coast of Western Australia – Sustaining Gondwana. Findings reported on provide locally informed baseline information to assist in the development of future strategies for the Region. Focusing on the Ravensthorpe, Hopetoun and Jerdacuttup communities within the Shire of Ravensthorpe, this study provides an overview of the range of social impacts of the RNO closure on: the community; perspectives on environmental impact; information flow post-closure; comparative measures of wellbeing; and community perspectives on opportunities for future regional development. The Report has been prepared with a triple-bottom-line structure: social, environmental and economic impacts. In conducting a rapid study, using a Rapid Rural Appraisal method, findings reflect upon: associated lifestyles and livelihood changes for the local residents; on the perspective of a sample of the local community to the closure; and on its consequences, from the perspective of local residents.

Countries that possess rich mineral deposits, it is widely assumed, are fortunate. Such deposits are assets, part of a country's natural capital. Mining is the key that converts dormant mineral wealth into schools, homes, ports, and other forms of capital that directly contribute to economic development. Over the past two decades, however, a more negative view of mining has emerged that questions the positive relationship between mineral extraction and economic development. The impetus for the alternative view came from empirical studies suggesting that countries where mining is important have not grown as rapidly as other countries. More recent studies have explored the possible reasons behind the disappointing performance of many mineral producing countries. While the central point of contention between the conventional and alternative views — namely, whether or not mining usually promotes economic development — remains unresolved, there is widespread agreement that rich mineral deposits provide developing countries with opportunities, which in some instances have been used wisely to promote development, and in other instances have been misused, hurting development. The consensus on this issue is important, for it means that one uniform policy toward all mining in the developing world is not desirable, despite the recent suggestions by some to the contrary. The appropriate public policy question is not should we or should we not promote mining in the developing countries, but rather where should we encourage it and how can we ensure that it contributes as much as possible to economic development and poverty alleviation.

The perception of most Australians is that the mining boom delivered unambiguous benefits for the Australian economy, including more jobs, exports, tax revenues and, for the majority of people, higher incomes. But was this the case? This paper looks more closely at the extent to which Australians have, in fact, benefitted from the boom, which it dates as beginning after the December quarter 2004 when commodity prices clearly began to show the impact of the increased demand from the rest of the world. Developments after 2004 are taken to reflect the effects of the mining boom. As a result of the boom, revenue received by mining companies increased by over $60 billion, of which well over half, $37 billion, represented increases in company profits before interest and tax expenses. Another $20 billion represented increased input costs, including transport, business services, chemicals, fuels, construction and construction materials. Additional labour costs accounted for $5 billion and additional royalties to state governments, $3 billion. A large proportion of the increased revenue was spent by mining companies on investment in new capacity, which went up by $30 billion. Profits in Australia grew as a result of the increased profits flowing to the mining companies but some of this growth occurred at the expense of non-mining profits. The mining boom would have had a major stimulatory impact on the Australian economy but for two factors. First, the Gregory effect saw the exchange rate appreciate, which caused a contraction in the rest of the economy. Secondly, the Reserve Bank of Australia increased interest rates in an attempt to offset the stimulatory effects of the boom. Estimates from the Australian Bureau of Statistics suggest that the terms-of-trade impact of the boom increased real income by over nine per cent. The paper examines the extent to which the two main sources of income in Australian households, wages and government income-support payments, were boosted during the period. The evidence shows that real wages increased at roughly the same rate after the onset of the mining boom as they did before it. Of course, there were strong local effects in WA and Queensland but for Australia as a whole there was no acceleration in wages growth as a result of the boom. There was certainly no indication of an additional nine percent increase in real wages coming through. Households on government payments indexed to inflation received no real increase during this time and neither did pensioners receiving pensions indexed to wages, since wages themselves did not reflect any benefit from the mining boom. Anyone owning resource stocks would have benefited from the enormous paper gains, which peaked in May 2008 but had largely disappeared by the end of 2008. However, to the extent that the gains persisted, the benefits would have gone to the top 20 per cent of wealthy households where share ownership is concentrated. Some companies made investment decisions at the peak of the mining boom that became less viable when the good times evaporated, which would have tended to reduce the present market value of the relevant company shares. There is a popular view that the mining boom generated massive tax revenues for the government, making tax cuts and spending initiatives possible. However, the tax surprises experienced by the government vastly exceeded any reasonable estimate of the increase in tax revenues from the mining industry; only a fraction of the increased government revenues in this period can be attributed to the mining boom. Overall, it is hard to identify the benefits to ordinary Australians of the mining boom. The estimated nine per cent increase in real incomes from the terms-of-trade changes do not appear in the figures for wage earners or recipients of government income-support payments. It seems that the benefits of the boom barely went beyond the mining industry itself. Indeed, higher mortgages and other borrowing costs meant that many households were worse off as a result of the mining boom.

CME, as a representative organisation for the minerals and energy sector in Western Australia, is keen to see that the opportunities for Western Australians and industry in the current period of investment in resources, mining and energy are fully realised. To support this objective, CME has commissioned a joint industry-government Growth Outlook study to provide an integrated outlook of industry and government development plans in the minerals and energy sector, focused on the key growth enablers of people, energy and water.

In recent years, governments have responded to the socioeconomic challenges facing rural areas by emphasizing community empowerment and capacity building. This paper explores the impact of a community development initiative based on such foundations in a small town in remote western Queensland, Australia. We suggest that significant pressures influence the ability of rural communities to take control of, and accept responsibility for, their own futures to the extent currently considered appropriate by government. The challenge for government, therefore, is how to enable processes of capacity building, consultation and community ownership without creating unreasonable pressures on residents of rural communities.

This report provides a broad regional assessment of the employment trends and issues in the region. It does not aim to tackle in depth all of the various issues and scenarios associated with employment in the region, but aims to develop a more general analysis of problems, likely solutions and required actions . The report identifies a need for more detailed analysis of specific issues associated with employment, education and training, and attraction and retention.

This is a history commissioned by SWALSC to present as evidence at the Single Noongar Native Title Claim over metropolitan Perth and South-West WA. The single Noongar Claim hinged on the proof that the Noongar were a single unified people and not a number of unrelated groups as claimed by the state of Western Australia. Originally titled "Applicants Historical Report" and prepared as expert evidence in the native title case known as the Single Noongan Claim, this book analyses the historiography and associated anthropology of the South-west. Coupled with Noogar oral history, it examines the survival of Noongar tradition, law and custom, proving that many of the most common misconceptions regarding the disappearance of Noogar culture have no basis in fact. Contents Preface: The Single Noongar Claim Case 1. An Introduction to Perspectives on Noongar History 2. The Extinction and Survival Theses Examined 3. Prehistory, Early Exploration and Pre-settlement 1616-1827 4. Inter-cultural Connections: Collett Barker and Mokare 1827-1829 5. Challenging Historical Conventions: The Early Swan River Colony of 1829 6. Noongar-European Relations 1829-1840 7. Traditional Law and Custom: Continuity and Change 1801-1840 8. Noongar Adaptation and Cultural Maintenance 1841-1900 9. Noongar Surviving into the Next Century 1880-1905 10. Noongars and the State in the Twentieth Century 11. The Failure of Assimilation 1950-2000 12. Conclusion.

The resources boom has had a dramatic effect on regional towns in Western Australia. The demand for accommodation from mining companies and supporting organisations has placed severe pressure on the housing markets of many regional towns, both large and small. Resource industry led demand has increased house prices and rents dramatically in some areas resulting in serious affordability issues for communities. In addition a shortage of accommodation has affected employment supply for both the mining industry and local businesses. Of course many residents benefited from an increase in wealth and hopped on the investment property bandwagon. However, with the current economic downturn affecting the resources industries, demand in many regional towns has softened and in some areas collapsed. This paper explores the impact of the boom and potential bust on regional housing markets in Western Australia. Using house price data for Western Australia over the period 1998-2008, the paper will explore how different housing markets have been affected very differently by the boom conditions. The authors will discuss how the current economic conditions have affected these housing markets and how a deepening of the recession could have serious implications for the economies of many towns that expanded rapidly during the boom conditions. The paper will also explore the experiences of two very different mining towns, Karratha and Kalgoorlie-Boulder, discussing how the resources boom has had a very different impact on housing markets and communities in the two towns.

For too long Australia’s tourism industry has been complacent. Now it faces major challenges. On top of these, the length and severity of this global downturn may also seriously harm the short-term outlook for the industry. Its long-term future is by no means assured. With this report the Steering Committee is looking to build a platform for a vibrant and sustainable tourism industry that can increase the prosperity and resilience of our national economy. The aim must be to build on the strength and resilience that the industry has demonstrated, so that it has the capacity to thrive and generate further economic gains for Australia in the face of an intensely competitive environment and the potential for further external shocks to impact on the industry. This will only be achieved if industry and all levels of government come together to revitalise the industry and secure its future. It will not be enough for government and industry to pursue a ‘business as usual’ approach. Australia has a unique Indigenous culture, unrivalled landscapes, sophisticated cities and regions, and people renowned for their diversity and friendliness. Our starting point must be an appreciation of these competitive strengths and a determination to capitalise upon them over the long-term. Through the course of its deliberations, the Steering Committee has identified specific supply-side issues that must urgently be addressed to counter the Australian tourism industry’s relative decline. Only effective alignment between supply and demand-side strategies will deliver optimal long-term outcomes for the industry, and the Australian economy and community as a whole. The ten recommendations that follow represent the Steering Committee’s practical advice on measures to build a strong and sustainable Australian tourism future.

This report identifies, evaluates and provides detailed information on rural women’s current participation in leadership programs and how much they attribute leadership programs to gaining their current leadership position. Because of this result, emphasis is given to identifying barriers and strategies beyond leadership programs and what initiatives would support more rural women gaining leadership positions. This report provides data and discussion of relevance to rural women, peak rural and agricultural organisations, policy makers, training providers and funding organisations.

Resource wealth in Australia is often presented as an asset, waiting to be exploited. Reflecting this, the recent resource boom is unquestioned - indeed celebrated - as a great windfall for the Australian people. There is a broad-based assumption that Australia s resource-based economy successfully diversified in the later twentieth century, while retaining a foundation in agricultural exports, and latterly minerals. As the saying goes, the country rode to prosperity on a sheep's back , and then on the back of the mining sector. The recent resources boom may be seen as simply the latest phase in that process, pump-priming the country s twenty-first century information-age service economy.

Many of Australia’s rural and regional centres have not been immune from the housing crisis that has been widely acknowledged within metropolitan Australia. This study found that the suite of housing programs being rolled out nationally has had a variable and often muted level of impact in rural and regional housing markets. Many of the trends apparent in the metropolitan housing markets are present in regional and rural Australia. For example, much of rural and regional Australia has been affected by the rapid house price inflation evident across Australia since the year 2000. Consequently, housing affordability is, and remains, a key concern in many rural and regional communities, with housing stress most acute amongst private rental tenants. Lack of supply in the rental market is a particular concern in regional and rural areas. The private rental market appears under-developed because of a shortage of investors and inappropriate planning regulations. However there is demand for rental housing and this is driven by the low wage, highly variable labour markets in these regions. While private rental supply is low, social housing provision in rural and regional areas is also inadequate. The National Affordable Housing Agreement has delivered some social housing but has had a low profile in regional Australia, and the National Rental Affordability Scheme hasn’t delivered units in areas suitable for many low-income families that rely on public transport. Paradoxically, by and large home ownership has remained affordable in rural and regional Australia—particularly for those households already in home ownership. Housing stress levels are generally lower for home owners in most locations. Even so, many first home buyers now face difficulties in purchasing their first home, notwithstanding the effects of the First Home Owner Boost in bringing forward demand for home purchase. Housing market inequalities are emerging in some regions, especially those that have been affected by the ‘resources boom’. Polarised housing markets are characterised by one segment of the market focused on high income, often temporary, mine workers; with the established population working in ancillary industries or not working being forced to compete for less expensive properties at the bottom of the housing market.

For each Indigenous Location, Census counts by Indigenous status are provided, including the proportion of the population that is Indigenous. Census counts of the Torres Strait Islander population are provided for each state and territory, as well as for selected Indigenous Areas within Queensland and selected Indigenous Locations within the Torres Strait Indigenous Region. Some comparisons with previous Censuses at the state/territory level are presented. Unless otherwise stated, Census counts relate to place of usual residence.

Indigenous housing needs 2009: a multi-measure needs model is the second report published on Indigenous housing needs. A multi-measure approach comprising five dimensions endorsed by the Housing Ministers' Conference (HMC) is used to determine Indigenous housing need. The report presents the most recent data on the level of Indigenous housing need across the five dimensions of homelessness, overcrowding, affordability, dwelling condition and connection to essential services; estimates the current dwelling need gap; and provides projections of Indigenous housing need. At 30 June 2006, the estimated resident Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population was 517,200, or 2.5% of the total Australian population. An estimated one-third (32%) of Indigenous Australians were living in capital cities and a further 43% in regional areas. The majority of Indigenous households are family households (81%), are larger than non-Indigenous households, and more than half (60%) were renting. The findings The level of Indigenous housing need was highest in the homelessness, overcrowding and affordability need dimensions. 9,248 Indigenous people were experiencing homelessness; 20,739 Indigenous households were overcrowded; 8,331 Indigenous income units were in financial housing stress. Overcrowding rates are highest in the Northern Territory and affordability need is more prominent in Major city areas. The Indigenous population is in higher need than the non-Indigenous population across homelessness and overcrowding. The number of additional dwellings required to help those in most need across the three dimensions was estimated to be 9,795. The number of dwellings required to meet Indigenous housing need will continue to increase because of demographic growth and changes in household formation. It is estimated that in 2006 the dwelling need gap was 11,538 dwellings, considering extreme need only, or 19,429 if considering all need. It is estimated that in addition to the established dwelling need gap, an estimated additional 529 dwellings were required in 2008 for those in most need, with a further 3,137 dwellings needed by 2018. The majority of dwellings are required to reduce overcrowding. Since the 2005 report, connection to essential services and levels of overcrowding have improved. However, homelessness and affordability levels have remained the same and dwelling condition has deteriorated.

This paper argues against a natural resource curse for human development. We find evidence that changes in human development from 1970 to 2005, proxied by changes in the Human Development Index, are positively and significantly correlated with natural resource abundance. While our results are consistent with those of other authors who have recently argued that natural resources do not adversely affect growth, we find strong evidence that natural resources have a positive effect on human development and particularly on its non-income dimensions. However, results from Latin America interactions show that the positive impact of natural resources in this region is significantly smaller than in the rest of the world. These results contribute to a broader discussion about the “resource curse” by showing that natural resources may be a blessing rather than a curse for human development, primarily through its effects on education and health rather than income.

The recession that Australia faced in 2009 must have been the most anticipated economic crisis in Australian history. Although the worst global economic downturn since the Great Depression caused problems for the Australian economy, it appeared by late 2009 that Australia had avoided a severe downturn and outperformed the rest of the developed world.2 One year earlier, it seemed certain that the Rudd Labor government had inherited an unfortunate Labor tradition of coming into office just as good times were replaced by bad. James Scullin had to deal with the Great Depression; Gough Whitlam tried to spread the luck of the post-war boom just at the point the luck ran out; and Bob Hawke took over at a time when it was increasingly obvious that Australia’s problems were structural, rather than just cyclical. Determined to replicate the excellent record of the Hawke government, rather than the ignominy of Scullin’s or Whitlam’s, the Rudd government quickly embarked on a resolute program of government spending to stimulate the economy. The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) added monetary easing to this fiscal stimulus by cutting interest rates by 4.25 per cent between September 2008 and April 2009. This prescient action helped Australia to avoid a technical recession, which is two quarters of GDP contraction in a row. Australia also benefitted from the Chinese government’s huge fiscal stimulus, which helped to underpin continuing Chinese demand for Australian resources. Indeed, government actions throughout the world probably helped the world economy avoid a severe depression. Despite Australia’s relatively good fortune, the global downturn was the world’s worst crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s.

Seasonality is a concept that is well studied and documented in the tourism literature. Being ubiquitous, all tourism enterprises and regions are impacted by seasonality whether severely or mildly. Seasonality causes the fluctuation in tourists and visitor numbers to a destination. Therefore, some destinations at certain times have more tourists and visitors than they are able to accommodate, while at other times, there are too few tourists and visitors to the region. Although, seasonality is widely perceived in a negative light because its effects are linked with a reduction of tourist dollars, not all effects of tourism are negative. There are many strategies that are used to address the effects of seasonality. These include pricing strategies, diversifying the attraction, market diversification and seeking assistance from the government and industry bodies. Increasing the length of the tourist season and modifying the timing to school holidays are other strategies. At enterprise level, additional strategies include the recruitment of temporary staff. With the range of available strategies for addressing the effects of seasonality, the selection and adoption of a strategy should be in line with the strategic plan of the enterprise or the destination for an effective result. In today’s environment, such decision making would need to include and consider social and environmental factors in addition to economic ones. Although many strategies can be transferable from one industry to another, more detailed research is necessary to investigate the individual strategies in relation to the industry and the impact of these strategies on the different stakeholders and the environment at the destination.

Karratha and Roeburne are neighbouring settlements, one a port and mining dormitory town on the coast of the southern Pilbara region of Western Australia; the other an old town, half an hour inland, where most people are Aboriginal. Karratha has new brick houses, tree-lined streets, substantial amenities, a motel, shopping centre, restaurants and tennis courts. Roeburne is old, dusty, and showing signs of years of neglect: broken fences, potholes, weeds and flaking paint. Here and there a well-kept house and garden appear incongruously among the other homes. A TAFE college, a few offices and a basketball court signal that someone decided to spend some state money in Roeburne, rather than concentrating all new investment in Karratha. The disparity between these towns is accelerating, and it is driven by the mining boom. In Karratha, everyone who wants to work has a job. In Roeburne, few people have the skills and education to join the fast-paced industries transforming the area. It is not just Aboriginal people or the residents of Roeburne who are falling behind. Anyone who lives in a mining province but does not work for a mining company is disadvantaged in important ways: their income is much lower, yet they must pay the same exorbitant housing, food and services costs, thanks to the localised inflation brought about by the boom. Not for the first time in Australian history, Aboriginal people and disadvantaged settlers are sharing the pain of the city–bush divide. Now, however, their shared disadvantage is a looming economic and national social policy problem that cuts across the conventional accounts of the ‘tyranny of distance’ and, in increasingly complex ways, the effects of the mining boom.

Social Housing Taskforce Terms of Reference: 1. National and international models of social housing financing and provision which may be applicable to Western Australia (supported by evidence which is comparable and reliable) 2. Strategies to increase the participation of the community housing sector, not for profit organisations, the private sector and local government in the provision of, and management of, social housing 3. The long term role of the State within a modern social housing framework considering aspects including the provision of dwellings, management of tenants, management of waitlists, regulatory frameworks, and provider of partnership based funding 4. Strategies to improve the optimisation and utilisation of current public housing stock 5. Funding models that identify new and innovative approaches to long term sustainable funding including the investment of private sector capital 6. Methodologies to underpin demand modelling and the setting of appropriate long term targets for the level of social housing provision 7. Observations regarding the capacity of the public, private and community sectors to support the new approaches identified by the Taskforce, and ways in which this capacity can be enhanced

The publication provides an update across a wide range of subjects such as population, economic, social, education, transport, infrastructure, climate and natural resources for regions north of the Tropic of Capricorn.

The Western Australian (WA) mining industry directly employs approximately 56,000 people. Almost half work Fly-in/Fly-out commute arrangements (FIFO, e.g. employees living in a city are flown to a remote worksite where they live and work during their work roster) and approximately half work more than 50 hours per week, on average. There are many anecdotal claims that FIFO has negative impacts on WA mining employees, leading to an elevated risk of high stress levels, depression, binge drinking, recreational drug use and relationship break-ups. Previous studies found FIFO can be stressful, and have negative impacts on WA employees 'and partners' lifestyles and relationships. This project investigated the long-term (Study One) and short-term (Study Two) impacts of FIFO and extended working hours on a representative sample of WA FIFO mining employees and partners. In Study One, a total of 222 FIFO and Daily Commute (DC) mining employees and partners completed an anonymous questionnaire investigating long-term impacts on work satisfaction, lifestyle, relationships and health. A subgroup of 32 Study One FIFO employees and partners also participated in Study Two; a detailed study of the short-term impacts of FIFO and extended working hours and how these impacts fluctuate in intensity during the mining roster. Study Two participants completed a diary and provided saliva samples each day throughout a complete mining roster. The main findings of the study were that FIFO and extended working hours had negative impacts on employees work satisfaction and FIFO was frequently reported to be disruptive to employees 'and partners' lifestyle, in the long-term. However, FIFO and extended working hours did not lead to poor quality relationships, high stress levels or poor health, on average in the long-term; there were generally no significant differences in these characteristics between FIFO and DC employees, or between the FIFO sample and the wider community. There were minor differences between FIFO and DC employees in long-term health characteristics, and Study One employees had similar, or in some cases poorer health outcomes than other community samples.

One of the more consistent findings of census-based analysis is that nationally, Indigenous Australians change their place of usual residence more often than the non-Indigenous population. Between 2001 and 2006, 46.5 per cent of the Indigenous population changed their place of usual residence, compared to 43.1 per cent for the non-Indigenous population. Population movement can have significant impacts on the ability of all levels of government to design forward-looking policy at a local level that takes into account the share of the population that identifies as being Indigenous. The aim of this paper is to consider a number of related aspects of Indigenous migration using results from the 2006 Census of Population and Housing. This includes the propensity to move, population redistribution, migration patterns and flows, urbanisation and intra-urban migration. Note: A .csv file of migration rates by Indigenous Area from 2001 to 2006 used in this paper is available for download at URL.