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This study investigates implementation of a staff development program for Indigenous staff using action learning in a Government Business Enterprise (GBE), namely, Australia Post. The aim of the study is to address the knowledge gap about Australian Indigenous staff development using an action learning approach. The action learning approach used in the GBE is outlined under methodology. A review by the action research group at the conclusion of two staff development programs noted that 19 of the 20 participants would graduate at Certificate 3 standard. There is now a core group of Indigenous employees who can move to higher level studies as well as acting as role models for future Indigenous recruits. The paper makes a contribution to policy and practice in the area of work-based Indigenous staff development. It also contributes to the current literature on human resource development particularly in the area of staff development for Indigenous staff. Thus this study benefits those with responsibility for Indigenous staff development policies and practices within large private and public sector organisations in Australia. For example, it is a reference document for state based Human Resource Managers throughout Australia Post.

In this essay I argue that the domain of Aboriginality is constituted by non Aboriginal/Aboriginal relations of power whereby the State operates as a proxy for these relations. The domain of Aboriginality is multifaceted, with intersecting and intertwined layers which work in tandem to contribute to the maintenance of Aboriginal poverty in Australia.

The production, analysis and presentation of Indigenous data are not neutral interpretations of numerical counts. Institutionally positioned within a portrayal of Australian national social trends, the data’s ubiquity belies their discursive power. By virtue of the racialised terrain in which they are conceived, collected, analysed and interpreted the data are politicised in ways mostly invisible to their producers and users. This racialised “politics of the data” is the focus of this article. Three examples of how Australia’s racial terrain permeates the field of Indigenous statistical analysis are outlined to demonstrate this phenomenon. The theoretical frame for explaining the politically tilted underpinnings of how Indigenous data are „done‟ is Pierre Bourdieu’s (1984) concept of habitus, extended to include race as a fourth dimension of social space. The final section challenges researchers to contemplate the possibility of the data conceptualised, analysed and interpreted from an Indigenous methodology.

Purpose – Research in indigenous small business entrepreneurship in Australia is sparse. This paper aims to provide a review of the available literature culminating in a comprehensive model of characteristics, motivations and potential barriers to entrepreneurial activity. Design/methodology/approach – The paper takes the form of a literature review. Findings – “Push” factors were predominant as motivators for setting up business ventures and were strongly linked to the desire to improve severe disadvantage through very poor economic situations and negative racial stereotyping, discrimination and prejudice as well as addressing the needs of their community. Potential barriers to business development included lack of formal education, prior work experience, language barriers, culture conflicts and problems attaining sufficient finance. Female indigenous entrepreneurs faced both gender and racial discrimination. Practical implications – This paper concludes with some suggestions on future research and government and policy directions to encourage indigenous Australian entrepreneurship as a means of economic development for this population. Originality/value – The paper presents a unique comprehensive review and model of both male and female Australian indigenous entrepreneurs.

This article demonstrates the credibility and rigor of yarning, an Indigenous cultural form of conversation, through its use as a data gathering tool with two different Indigenous groups, one in Australia and the second in Botswana. Yarning was employed not only to collect information during the research interview but to establish a relationship with Indigenous participants prior to gathering their stories through storytelling, also known as narrative. In exploring the concept of yarning in research, this article discusses the different types of yarning that emerged during the research project, how these differences were identified and their applicability in the research process. The influence of gender during the interview is also included in the discussion.

Background: This paper examines whether reported experience of racism by Aboriginal people living in Adelaide is negatively associated with mental health, and whether social resources ameliorate the mental health effects of racism. Methods: Face-to-face structured and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 153 Aboriginal people. Data on self-reported experiences of racism (average regularity of racism across a number of settings, regular racism in at least one setting), social resources (socialising, group membership, social support, talking/expressing self about racism), health behaviours (smoking, alcohol), socio-demographic (age, gender, education, financial situation) and mental health (SF-12 measure) are reported. Separate staged linear regression models assessed the association between the two measures of racism and mental health, after accounting for socio-demographic characteristics and health behaviours. Social resource variables were added to these models to see if they attenuated any relationship between racism and mental health. Results: The two measures of racism were negatively associated with mental health after controlling for socioeconomic factors and health behaviours. These relationships remained after adding social resource measures. Non-smokers had better mental health, and mental health increased with positive assessments of financial situation. Conclusion and Implications: Reducing racism should be a central strategy in improving mental health for Aboriginal people.

This study demonstrates that Aboriginal Australian time philosophy has survived the impact of European colonization through applying anthropological inquiry into time perception to functional attitudes towards work ethic. By doing so I highlight time perception as one of the “root causes” of Aboriginal socio-economic disadvantage in the barrier it poses to Aboriginal labor force participation. The Native Title Act put pressure on the mining industry to set high targets for Indigenous employment and in the process has given Aboriginal communities the opportunity to become “active initiators” of their relationship to time by forcing industrial compromise through resistance to adopt the “capitalist temporal order” within which industry operates. This is reflected in the demands of Aboriginal employment strategy and the adaptations to industrial culture which are beneficial to promoting Aboriginal recruitment, retention, and progression through the workforce. Data collection consisted of a series of intensive interviews and two surveys intended to put quantitative values behind trends observed throughout the intensive interviews. Interview subjects were chosen on the basis of their personal experience with Aboriginal employment or in order to provide insight into contemporary employment issues, the traditional time perceptions of Aboriginal Australians, and the historical interplay of the two cultures within the labor force. I drew parallels between subjective time, flexible work schedules and work-readiness programs, notions of time as circular and the under-representation of Aboriginal Australians in managerial positions, and time bound to obligation with job retention. If fundamental cultural differences are recognized as a barrier to Aboriginal integration into the workforce it can help to dispel misconceptions about work ethic and promote policy which allows Aboriginal employees to maintain an attachment to traditional culture in coexistence with a steady job.

One of the potential constraints on achieving the Council of Australian Governments’ (COAG) employment target is location. It has been noted by a number of authors that the very different geographic distributions of the Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations is a key factor in explaining the former’s socioeconomic disadvantage relative to the latter. The aim of this paper is to revisit the potential role of location in explaining poor Indigenous employment outcomes through an analysis of Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians’ place of work. The analysis presented in the paper focuses on a number of issues including the distribution of Indigenous employment, inward and outward flows, and commuting behaviour, as well as local employment prospects. One of the main conclusions from the analysis is that Indigenous Australians live in areas that have a slightly higher number of jobs per usual resident than do non-Indigenous Australians. Ultimately, the results presented in this paper support an emphasis on Indigenous labour supply in meeting COAG’s employment targets. It would appear that it is the ability of the Indigenous population to secure the jobs that are available, rather than the location of jobs, that is most important in explaining Indigenous labour under-utilisation.

Western Australia sits poised to reap huge benefits from a super-cycle of resource exploitation. Labour demand is at an all-time high and challenges in securing an adequate labour supply are already evident. It is ironic then, that the very people whose land base is exploited to generate much of this wealth, who are often located in regions of high labour demand, and who have sizeable cohorts moving into working-age groups, are so poorly situated to share in the benefits of economic growth for want of adequate capacities to participate. The recent release of 2006 Census data provides the basis for an update of the economic position of Indigenous people across different regions of Western Australia. This paper focuses on recent change in the fortunes of Indigenous people in the labour market and analyses these alongside changes in other population, social and economic outcomes. The findings show a continuation of regional diversity in outcomes with regions away from the south west faring worst, although overall there is little evidence of a closing of the gaps in key indicators. The indications are that strategies aimed at overcoming Indigenous disadvantage in the labour market will need to address structural issues at different formative stages in the life cycle, as well as assume a broad scope for economic inclusion and participation to cope with the growing need for employment from an expanding Indigenous working-age population in very diverse locational settings.

This paper examines the extent to which Indigenous Australians have shared in the large expansion of the Australian workforce that is revealed by a comparison of 2001 and 2006 census results. It considers whether this is reflected in changes to regional patterns of Indigenous labour force status, income, occupation and industry of employment. As such, it provides the first comprehensive assessment of possible impacts of federal Indigenous employment policies introduced just prior to the 2001 Census and it contributes to the policy discourse on ‘closing the gap’ between Indigenous and other Australians. Conventional census measures of labour force status are established for each of 37 Indigenous Regions and administrative data are also deployed to produce a more accurate picture of the spread of CDEP program employment and the effect of this on labour force outcomes. Changes in occupational and industry segregation are established as is the effect of employment change on the gap in median incomes. In line with previous gap analyses conducted by CAEPR an attempt is made to estimate future job requirements using a projection of the Indigenous working-age population to 2016. This reveals a need for more than 70,000 additional jobs to meet current government targets.

The innovative research project, ‘Engaging Aboriginal Australians in the Private Sector’ is a partnership initiative between the NAB and DCA. DCA is the independent, not-for-profit diversity advisor to business in Australia. In partnership with our member organisations our mission is to: 1. understand and achieve leadership in diversity management and practice in an Australian context 2. realize business improvement through successful diversity programs 3. implement effective compliance management in a changing legislative environment 4. publicly demonstrate commitment to diversity alongside leading organisations. Fundamentally, NAB and DCA acknowledge that employment provides not only an income to individuals and families, but can have direct positive results for Aboriginal communities generally. It also makes good business sense, enabling organisations to tap into a broader talent pool of labour, experience the benefits of new perspectives, and generate stronger links with Aboriginal communities This project aimed to facilitate employment outcomes for Aboriginal people by identifying what actions employers could take to better engage Aboriginal people in Australian private sector workplaces. Importantly, the project aimed to do this through asking Aboriginal Australians about their experiences of and attitudes towards employment in the private sector. This contrasts with customary approaches, which tend to focus on employer perspectives and experiences of employment of Aboriginal people (as was identified in the project’s preliminary literature review). To address this significant oversight, a series of representative national consultations with Aboriginal people were conducted. Through focus groups and face to face interviews Aboriginal people were asked to discuss what actions employers could take to improve employment outcomes for Aboriginal people in the private sector. The focus groups and interviews were enhanced by an initial literature review, which aimed to identify current themes in relation to attracting and retaining Aboriginal Australians, including current understandings of leading Indigenous employment practice and limitations of these understandings and the literature more generally.

Indigenous persons continue to be among the most disadvantaged groups in Australian society on a range of socio-economic indicators. In seeking a framework to reconsider programs and policies aimed to improve labour market outcomes for indigenous Australians, this paper reviews the history of engagement between Australian Aborigines and European settlers in the context of international experiences of indigenous populations in the face of the expansion of Western industrial economies in the 1800s and 1900s. A generic model of Indigenous disadvantage in the labour market is proposed as a framework for assessing indigenous policy and for the evaluation of indigenous employment programs.

This report critically reviews evaluations of the major post-1985 labour market assistance measures for Indigenous Australians, with a view to helping shape future policy in addressing Indigenous disadvantage. - In terms of achieving short-term employment outcomes, Australia’s major Indigenous-specific programs appear to have been highly successful. A mix of on-the-job work experience, achieved through wage subsidies or brokered placements, combined with other appropriate support, such as mentoring, offers a successful approach. Involvement of Indigenous people in the provision of assistance can also improve program effectiveness. - However, despite considerable public investment in labour market programs and other forms of assistance for economic development, Indigenous Australians remain significantly worse off on all major measures of economic and social wellbeing, relative to non-Indigenous Australians. - From the 1980s, government policy towards Indigenous economic development, as embodied in the Community Development Employment Projects scheme and the Aboriginal Employment Development Policy, stressed the importance of self-determination and cultural preservation in promoting Indigenous wellbeing. - Indigenous employment policies and programs are products of specific political philosophies, and policy and program objectives are shaped by those philosophies. At evaluation stage, objectives such as self-determination and choice have been ignored or have been replaced by more easily quantifiable objectives, such as increased numbers of Indigenous people in mainstream jobs. Policy-makers need to pay greater attention to how programs are evaluated. - The primary objectives of the main labour market programs now accessed by Indigenous Australians, encompassing the Indigenous Employment Policy and the Job Network, are the achievement of mainstream employment outcomes, and for many Indigenous Australians this is consistent with their own aspirations. Our view is that it is also likely to result in a more rapid pace of social and cultural assimilation.

The media, academic publications and parliamentary speeches typically perceive Indigenous business enterprises as ‘community’ run ventures. This blanket characterisation is inadequate as it renders the individual Indigenous urban entrepreneur invisible and unconsidered. Confusion in public reporting and accountability has resulted in misconceptions that cloud the image of what a successful Indigenous entrepreneur is. In addition, previous published literature seems skewed towards the rural or remote areas when, in fact, almost three-quarters of Indigenous Australians live in urban areas. Little is known of the individual, urban and provincial Indigenous Australian entrepreneur. How can government policy be truly informed if the basic building blocks of empirical data on Indigenous entrepreneurship, either in census figures or within consultations, remain unexamined? The 2001 Census shows there are 1,845 urban and provincial Indigenous Australians who are employers (i.e. employ themselves and others). This discussion paper examines 50 qualitative case studies—a major sample of an almost unknown segment of the Census population—of successful urban and provincial Indigenous Australian entrepreneurs who employ other people. It contributes to ongoing research by outlining the inhibitors and motivators for urban Indigenous entrepreneurs.

In the Health sector, Cross-Cultural Awareness Training has been seen as a way to improve knowledge and understanding of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to therefore improve service delivery and therapeutic care to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Health personnel may have undertaken this type of training in their workplace or as part of their education in an undergraduate degree program. Other sectors additionally undertake Cross-Cultural Awareness Training for similar reasons and in similar educational settings. This paper includes the views of a selection of Aboriginal women and highlights the need to extend beyond knowledge gained through Cross-Cultural Awareness Training to Anti-Racism Training. Furthermore, that Anti-Racism Training and addressing white race privilege is required in order to address the inequities within the health system, the marginalisation and disempowerment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

Helping Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander job-seekers find and keep a job has been the focus of recent reforms announced by the Australian Government. This report describes seven essential characteristics of employment service organisations that lead to successful employment outcomes for their Indigenous clients. The report and accompanying guide (see related items) describe how these factors are implemented in practice, with the aim to enable other employment service providers to build their own capacity to provide positive employment outcomes for their Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander clients.

To date, the analysis of the reasons for the labour market disadvantage of Indigenous Australians has been constrained by the absence of longitudinal data on labour force status. This article uses the only extant large-scale longitudinal survey of the labour force outcomes of Indigenous Australians to analyse both labour market dynamics and the determinants of labour market success. The analysis reveals high rates of movements between labour force states by Indigenous Australians and that the Indigenous unemployed were around one-half as likely to move to employment over a 15-month period as were the non-Indigenous unemployed. The analysis presented in this article highlights the need for further longitudinal surveys of the labour market and social circumstances of Indigenous Australians.

Rio Tinto is a global mining corporation with some 70 operations in 20 different countries. In Australia, its Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Policy states amongst other things that it will “will consider Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s issues”, and provide for “economic independence through direct employment, business development and training”. Rio Tinto’s commitment to Indigenous workforce diversity is implicit in this Policy and through its subsidiaries it has steadily increased the level of Indigenous employment in its Australian operations since 1995. Indigenous employees now makeup some 5% of the workforce, up from 0.5% in the mid 1990's. While this is more than double the representation of Indigenous people in the Australian population, the company’s targets are stretching for greater participation; seeking to match Group operation’s local demographic representation. The issues associated with this ambitious Indigenous diversity programme are still emerging and, in many instances, are challenging for the people involved. The benefits are also still emerging and these are equally surprising and potentially far-reaching. Experiences, progress to date and associated issues are discussed.

This analysis uses the only existing large-scale longitudinal survey of Indigenous Australians to examine the effects of job search behaviour over an 18-month period starting from March 1996. Job search methods were not generally related to the probability of finding and retaining employment when a range of other personal and regional factors are taken into account. Search intensity (as measured by the number of jobs applied for) had a significant effect on the prospect of finding employment, but was unrelated to the probability of job retention.

The Australian Employment Covenant (AEC) was launched on 30 October 2008 with the bold goal of creating 50,000 new jobs for Indigenous Australians within two years. At the end of this ambitious timeframe, the scheme has succeeded in securing more than 20,000 job pledges from employers. This is a commendable achievement, but estimates put the number of Indigenous job placements under the scheme at around 2,800, clearly well short of the original goal. The AEC has publicly backed away from its initial two-year timeframe and there has been some recent suggestion that its original target referred only to 50,000 job pledges. However, this is at best confusing, with public documents stating that the goals of the AEC initiative included the ‘placement of 50,000 Indigenous people into work’. This paper examines the nature of the AEC and its relationship with government as well as exploring why the rate of actual job creation might have been much lower than anticipated. It first sets out the scale of the challenge entailed in creating 50,000 new jobs for Indigenous Australians, with data suggesting that this was always an impossibly ambitious goal. It then examines outcomes in three areas: the number of jobs pledged; estimates of the number of job placements; and estimates of retention rates to 26 weeks. A key point to note is that available evidence has been very limited, making any assessment of the efficiency of government spending impossible and raising important questions about accountability and transparency in the expenditure of public funds. The paper concludes with a discussion of some of the factors likely to be constraining Indigenous labour supply. It argues that while the AEC may add value to existing employment programs—particularly by securing increased employer demand for Indigenous workers—a more flexible approach to employment services might prove more effective in increasing sustainable employment outcomes among Indigenous people.

The Workforce NT Report 2008 brings together detailed information about the Territory’s labour force, the sectors of the population which are employed, where and in what industries. It also provides regional profiles and information about the training and employment outcomes for disadvantaged groups within the NT. Workforce NT will be a useful tool in assisting government and business to formulate employment policy and strategies. This report contains information on: The Territory’s population, how it compares with the Australian population and how it has changed over time. The school and non-school education profile of Territorians. The labour force characteristics of the population. The main industries and occupations that Territorians work in. Labour supply through sources such as VET, apprenticeships/traineeships and higher education. How the NT regions differ from each other in their population and employment characteristics. The employment status of Indigenous Territorians. The employment status of disadvantaged groups such as People with a Disability, People from a Culturally and Linguistically Diverse background, the Youth and the Mature Age people. Skill shortages - the professions and trades that are experiencing skill shortages in the NT. Industries undergoing change and their likely impact on employment in the NT The outlook for economic and employment growth in the Territory.

The NTPS is one of the largest employers in the Territory, with over 18,000 staff employed in a broad range of occupations and professions. As a major employer, the public sector is in a unique position to contribute to improved social and economic outcomes for Indigenous Australians through increased employment levels and subsequent enhanced service delivery. We need to strive to achieve a public sector that reflects the diverse community it serves through culturally appropriate programs, policy development and service delivery strategies. The Northern Territory Public Sector Indigenous Employment and Career Development Strategy 2010–2012 has been developed in the context of research that acknowledges that ‘being employed leads to improved wealth and asset creation for Indigenous families and communities, which in turn has a positive influence on health and the education of children. It also enhances self-esteem, increases opportunities for self-development, influences interaction at the family and community levels and reduces social alienation.’

This paper was completed under contract to the State of Victoria through the State Services Authority. It draws on recent Victorian, Australian, and international literature in order to provide an overview of the barriers to, and drivers of successful workforce participation for Indigenous Victorians. Some barriers and drivers are generic, and thus apply to most people; other barriers and drivers are specific to Indigenous Australians; a few barriers and drivers apply specifically to Indigenous Victorians. The disadvantage that accrues from Indigenous unemployment is unrelenting and immense. This disadvantage may well become worse as the Indigenous .baby boom. increasingly reaches working age . it has been described as a potential time-bomb. There are devastating effects of unemployment on Indigenous people in terms of their access to the full range of life chances in Australian society. A low Indigenous employment rate is generally seen as an underlying factor of Indigenous poverty, poor health and emotional well-being, inadequate housing, and low participation and attainment in education. There are also economic costs to the broader community of Indigenous unemployment. Social disharmony and cultural deprivation is experienced by all Australians when Indigenous unemployment rates remain at low levels. Summaries of two key evaluations of the effectiveness of Indigenous employment policies demonstrate clearly that there are barriers to Indigenous employment that have persisted over time.

This paper uses the 2002 NATSISS data to examine the linkages between employment and health status. Two measures of health status are used — self-assessed health and the presence of a long-term disability. Employment is modelled to exclude and then include CDEP employment. The results, which are fairly robust to the treatment of CDEP employment, indicate that both self-assessed health status and long-term disabilities have significant impacts on a person’s likelihood of being in employment.

The Indigenous Employment Policy (IEP) was introduced by Minister Peter Reith in 1999 as a result of decisions made in the 1998 Budget. It has been administered by DEWRSB. The IEP is a significant development: there had not been a major Commonwealth government initiative in the area of Indigenous employment since the mid 1980s. Indeed it is fair to say that before responsibility for employment became part of DEWRSB as part of a machinery of government change following the last election, the issue of Indigenous employment had not had a high priority. There had been a reasonable expectation that the radical new creation, Job Network, which replaced the old Commonwealth Employment Service (CES) and Employment Services Regulatory Agency (ESRA) would provide equity to Indigenous Australians—equity not only in terms of equitable access to labour market programs but equality in employment outcomes. However, it soon became clear that although Job Network is working increasingly well, delivering better employment outcomes at significantly lower cost, Indigenous Australians are the group who are least able to make effective use of its services. The rate of Indigenous unemployment continues to be unacceptably high. DEWRSB estimates that 40 per cent of Indigenous people are unemployed, if those on CDEP are included in the count. Estimates from other sources are even higher. It was necessary to introduce a policy framework and program initiatives to complement Job Network. A matter of even greater concern is that very few of those Indigenous people who are employed are at work in the private sector. The great majority are on CDEP, or have jobs in Commonwealth, State and Territory public services, or have jobs in local government or are working for community controlled Indigenous organisations which are largely publicly funded. Private sector employment remains the great challenge. If there is one key emphasis to the new IEP, it is to make more headway in accessing private sector jobs and getting them filled by Indigenous Australians.