Remote Australia Online

Anmatjere is a non-urban, arid zone region of the Northern Territory which sits astride the Stuart Highway, about 200 kilometres north of Alice Springs and 300 kilometres south of Tennant Creek. For the past four years, my colleague Sarah Holcombe and I have undertaken research with the local government in the area, the Anmatjere Community Government Council (ACGC) (Sanders 2008a). The aim of this paper is to use Census data, publicly available through the website of the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), to provide a simple statistical profile of the Anmatjere region. The paper also draws on general knowledge gleaned from working in the area over the last four years and from other work observing the Census collection (Martin et al. 2002, Morphy 2007). However, the basic research question that guides the paper is simply this: can publicly available Census statistics in 2008 provide a useful characterisation of a relatively small and remote arid zone region such as Anmatjere? The paper is in some sense then, simply an exercise in seeing how far available ABS statistics can take us in profiling an arid zone region. The paper begins by identifying some data relating to the individual Census Collection Districts (CDs) that make up the Anmatjere region. It then focuses primarily on the group of CDs that have made up the ACGC local government area in recent years, drawing primarily from the 2006 Census but also looking back to the 2001 and 1996 Censuses. The paper looks at comparisons between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people in the ACGC area in 2006 and also pays some minor attention to one rather different CD in the Anmatjere region which has been outside the ACGC local government area. This distinction between CDs that have been inside and outside the ACGC local government area is now, however, becoming part of history; as from July 2008 as a result of local government restructuring in the Northern Territory, all these CDs have now become part of the Anmatjere ward of the new Central Desert Shire. While Census profiles of Anmatjere may, as a consequence of this local government restructuring, look somewhat different in the future, it is I think still useful to understand those of the recent past. These past Census profiles tell us quite a lot about the demography and socioeconomic geography of the Anmatjere region, and also something about the local government reform process that is currently underway. This reform process, the paper will argue, is currently pushing into the local government system some non- Aboriginal interests, such as those of pastoralists, horticulturalists and roadhouse owners, who hold title to most of the Anmatjere region’s land area but are only a small proportion of its population.

Fueling Large Group Dominance: A Critique of the Northern Territory Local Government Electoral System

The Anmatjere Community Government Council (ACGC) in central Australia was established in 1993 as part of a push by the Northern Territory (NT) Government towards larger regional, multi-settlement groupings within its emerging local government system. Fifteen years on, as part of another such push, ACGC is about to be amalgamated into a much larger Central Desert Shire. The shire, which will begin operations during 2008, will merge ACGC with five other local governing bodies and cover a population some four times ACGC’s current constituency. This chapter reflects on the history of ACGC within the NT local government system and on ideas of regionalism and localism. It argues that ACGC has been a reasonably successful experiment in regional, multi-settlement local government, and that this is partly because it has respected and built on single-settlement localism. The chapter will discuss how the early constitutional design of ACGC respected such localism and how that respect has developed and endured since, albeit at times under stress. I will also argue that this respect for single-settlement localism points the way forward for local government in the NT under the new larger shires arrangement. Regionalism must build on localism, rather than devalue or disparage it.

This article seeks to understand the role of being a senior manager in Indigenous community governance, particularly though not exclusively in remote Aboriginal communities. It argues against the tendency of would-be reformers of Indigenous community governance to focus on the competence and ethical qualities of those who occupy these roles and asks instead how can isolated managerialism in Indigenous community governance be overcome? The article begins with an overview of Ralph Folds' analysis of relations between Pintupi settlements and the larger Australian polity. While taking much from Folds' analysis, the article argues that ultimately he relies too heavily on the idea of antithetical worldviews across the settlement interface, on a problematic distinction between the official and private uses of publicly allocated resources and on too idealist a view of the Australian state. The article argues that the state's allocation of public resources inevitably involves a flow of private benefits and that public purposes and private benefits are not different phenomena, but rather different perspectives on state action. In contrast to Folds' idealism about the state, the article outlines a more thoroughly realist or materialist analysis of being a good senior manager in Indigenous community governance. In its concluding section, the article makes some suggestions for overcoming isolated managerialism in Indigenous community governance oganisations.

Current management of feral camels falls far short of an integrated management approach, with limited integration of different control methods or across jurisdictions (Edwards et al. 2004, Norris & Low 2005) and, to date, having had little effect on population growth or in mitigating camel impacts. A range of control methods, both commercial and non-commercial, are available for the management of feral camels, and most have been implemented to some extent. This chapter reviews non-commercial control methods which can be applied to mitigate the negative impacts of feral camels. To date non-commercial control has primarily consisted of aerial platform (helicopter) shooting, ground-based shooting, and exclusion fencing. Chemical (poison), biological, and fertility controls are not currently in use, although a review undertaken for this project (Lapidge et al. 2008) has identified a number of potential avenues for further consideration. Of the three non-commercial methods in current use, aerial shooting is the most widely implemented by management agencies. The majority of ground-based shooting is opportunistic in nature and implemented individually by pastoralists rather than by management agencies. Fencing has been limited to a number of waterholes of both cultural and conservation significance in central Australia. Aerial shooting has been identified as the non-commercial control method with the greatest applicability (Edwards et al. 2004, Norris & Low 2005) to broadscale feral camel management. The cost range reflects the availability of animals at different densities. Although the detailed nature of the cost density relationship is unknown for camels, indicative costs are $20–$30 per animal at high density (densities greater than 0.3 animals/km2); $40–$100 per animal for densities in the range 0.3–0.1 animals/km2; and a cost per animal greater than $100 for densities less than 0.1 animals/km2. The limitations of ground-based shooting compared with aerial shooting include restricted access to animals and reduced ability to remove large quantities of animals. Ground-based shooting has limited applicabilty for broadscale population reduction and will primarily fill a long-term management role of maintaining low density populations through opportunistic shooting integrated with other activities. The high cost of fencing, particularly for areas greater than a few hectares, and the fact that fencing does not affect population size and growth, greatly limits the applicability of fencing in managing the impacts of feral camels. Fencing is primarily applicable to the protection of high value cultural and conservation assets where the total exclusion of feral camels is mandatory to prevent any damage to the assets. Fencing is not considered a broadscale management tool.

Managing the impact of feral camels requires that management decisions are based on a synthesis of the current best available information on camel distribution and density, actual impacts, and the logistical and stakeholder constraints on implementing management. This research has identified a need to develop a cross-jurisdictional strategic approach to feral camel management based on an analysis of the impacts of the animals across the full range of their distribution. Scoping the problem identified a number of characteristics which suggest that a spatially based Multiple Criteria Decision Support Tool could help define strategic management plans. The key supporting factors (including feral camel distribution and density; impact data; logistical factors such as roads, bores, airstrips, etc; land manager attitudes to management options; locality of key infrastructure; and sites of significance) are spatial in nature and the management frame is characterised by the need to account for trade-offs between a range of required or desired outcomes. The results produced by the Decision Support Tool are not intended to address fine or local-scale management but are applicable at a broadscale. The size of individual density cells (area cells to which a density value applies) used in the analysis was 0.5 degrees of latitude by 0.5 degrees of longitude. This is due to two major factors: the sheer scale of the feral camel distribution, which encompasses almost 50% of the total area of Australia; and the coarse minimum resolution from the spatial data used. However, with less grainy data the model can be easily adapted to support decision making at a more local level. This research only considered six potential management methods for use in managing feral camel impact: aerial culling ground culling commercial extraction for live export commercial extraction for pet meat commercial extraction for human consumption fencing sensitive areas.

In this paper we utilised a range of data sources to estimate the extent, density distribution and population size of the feral camel in Australia in 2008. Camels currently occupy 3.3 million km2 and are spread across much of arid Western Australia, South Australia, the Northern Territory and far western Queensland. Up to 50% of Australia’s rangelands are reported as having camels present. The research reported here supports a current minimum population estimate for the feral camel in Australia of ~1 million animals at an overall density of 0.29 camels/km2. Densities vary, and the modelling of available data indicates that two substantial areas of high density are present, one centred on the Simpson Desert and the other on the Great Sandy Desert. The high density area covering the eastern part of the Great Sandy Desert has predicted densities in the range of 0.5 to >2 animals/km2 whereas that on the Simpson Desert is in the range 0.5–1.0 animals/km2.

The camel played an important role in the development of central Australia in both the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The replacement of the camel by the motor vehicle in the early twentieth century resulted in large numbers of animals being released into the wild and the subsequent establishment of a feral population in arid Australia. Monitoring of Australia’s camel population was haphazard at best until the 1980s. Since that time, a number of systematic surveys of camel distribution and abundance have been carried out across substantial areas of the camel’s distribution. The current distribution of the camel covers much of arid Australia. Up to 50% of Australia’s rangelands are reported as having camels present, as are most of the arid regions of Western Australia (WA), South Australia (SA), the Northern Territory (NT), and parts of Queensland (Qld). The research reported here supports a current population estimate for the feral camel in Australia of approximately one million animals covering an area of some 3.3 million km2 at an overall density of 0.29 camels/km2. Densities vary, and the modelling of available data indicates that two substantial areas of high density are present, one centred on the Simpson Desert and the other on the Great Sandy Desert. The high density area covering the eastern part of the Great Sandy Desert has predicted densities in the range of 0.5 to greater than 2 animals/km2 and that on the Simpson Desert in the range 0.5–1.0 animals/km2. Modelling of camel population dynamics gives population growth rates in the range of 7–8 % per year, reflecting intrinsic rates of increase in the range 0.074–0.079 (McLeod & Pople 2008). On the basis of these rates of increase, a population doubling time of about nine years is likely. Further, based on the current Australian camel population estimate, these rates indicate potential for increase at 80 000 camels per year and accelerating, due to the exponential nature of population growth and the belief that camels have not yet reached the carrying capacity of the land (McLeod & Pople 2008). Camels appear to use most available habitat, with use reflecting seasonal influences related to food availability and breeding. Habitat types not used to any measured extent include mountain ranges and salt pans/lakes, although camels have been reported from both of these habitats. Camels use almost all available food sources with a clear suite of preferred species and are subject to limited mortality other than natural mortality associated with age. Few of the resources needed by camels appear to be limiting at current population densities, with the possible exception of water. Increased water stress during hot dry summers is proposed as the causal factor for the encroachment of camels into remote central Australian communities in recent years. Camels were reported trying to obtain access to water by entering communities and damaging waterrelated infrastructure including bores, taps, and air conditioning units. It would appear that without management camel populations have the potential to persist in large and growing numbers in already occupied sites and to expand into presently unoccupied or sparsely occupied areas. Recommendations That efforts are made to achieve a better understanding of the factors influencing the movement patterns and population distribution of feral camels at the local to regional scale. This would allow static aerial survey data to be more accurately projected forwards and would facilitate the development of a dynamic model of feral camel density distribution. That the broadscale aerial survey database of feral camel distribution and abundance be expanded by implementing aerial survey in areas not previously covered in order to improve estimation of density distribution for feral camels. That a broadscale index-manipulate-index experiment related to broadscale aerial survey of feral camels be conducted to address the issue of environmental bias associated with current aerial survey estimates of feral camel population distribution and abundance. That a national database of feral camel aerial survey data be created incorporating all available aerial survey data related to feral camels from all jurisdictions, with data incorporated at the finest spatial scale available, and that this database be supported by all jurisdictions. That the national database be a core component of the development of a dynamic model of feral camel distribution and any other tools or models related to feral camel management, and that this imposes a requirement for complete and regular update of the database to ensure currency.

Research on native foods in Australia has increased over the past 10–15 years. This has resulted in a series of reports that have dealt with issues from food safety, toxicology (Hegarty et al. 2001) and market prospects (Cherikoff 2000) to the cultivation of either specific species or a range of species (Ryder & Latham 2004). However, there has been little coordinated effort in native food research across the value chain in a single project, nor has there been such a serious attempt to engage Aboriginal people in the participatory approach undertaken in this project. The research reported here focused primarily on desert native food species with a particular focus on S.centrale. The native foods industry is largely based on traditional Aboriginal knowledge of what is edible from the Australian flora and fauna. The industry also involves Aboriginal people at various levels. However, there are many unresolved issues relating to the roles played by Aboriginal people and subsequent questions about what benefits they may be gaining from the industry. Traditional knowledge and traditional methods are being used, but little is really known about how Aboriginal people may wish to be involved, nor how they are either benefiting from, or being bypassed by other participants in, the industry.

Australia is among the most fire-prone of continents. While national fire management policy is focused on irregular and comparatively smaller fires in densely settled southern Australia, this comprehensive assessment of continental-scale fire patterning (1997–2005) derived from ~1 km2 Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer (AVHRR) imagery shows that fire activity occurs predominantly in the savanna landscapes of monsoonal northern Australia. Statistical models that relate the distribution of large fires to a variety of biophysical variables show that, at the continental scale, rainfall seasonality substantially explains fire patterning. Modelling results, together with data concerning seasonal lightning incidence, implicate the importance of anthropogenic ignition sources, especially in the northern wet–dry tropics and arid Australia, for a substantial component of recurrent fire extent. Contemporary patterns differ markedly from those under Aboriginal occupancy, are causing significant impacts on biodiversity, and, under current patterns of human population distribution, land use, national policy and climate change scenarios, are likely to prevail, if not intensify, for decades to come. Implications of greenhouse gas emissions from savanna burning, especially seasonal emissions of CO2, are poorly understood and contribute to important underestimation of the significance of savanna emissions both in Australian and probably in international greenhouse gas inventories. A significant challenge for Australia is to address annual fire extent in fire-prone Australian savannas.

This paper provides an overview of current directions in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander policy in Australia and a brief overview of the historical policy context. There has been a recent shift from decentralised policy and programs with structures for self governance by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, to a more centralised whole-of-government model that removes the self-governance arrangements and replaces them with advisory structures. The past decade saw an escalation in the quantity of services and service providers including local organisations. A changing set of regionalised concepts has guided Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander policy formulation in recent times. This project provides a guide to national, state and territory Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander policy strategies and frameworks. It should be noted that this guide reflects arrangements current in September 2006, and that they are susceptible to change at any time.

The Australian desert economy is a $90 billion dollar economy. However currently, there is a reliance on a few industry sectors in delivering its output. About 60% of the gross revenue of the desert comes from only three sectors - mining, manufacturing and agriculture. This can pose a risk in light of climate change, increasing interconnectedness of financial markets and the fact that the resources boom is unlikely to be an on-going phenomenon. How can desert economies mitigate risks associated with over-reliance on a few select sectors and ensure continued growth in the long run? ## This paper discusses the structure of the desert economy and strategies to mitigate the risks of overdependence on a few industries. Using a regional input-output model, the study shows which industry sectors are likely to provide the highest multiplier impacts on the economy with implications on strategic investments for sustained growth and development of desert regions in Australia.

This paper presents the profile of Leonora town, located in Western Australia. It discusses Leonora’s population, including main demographic characteristics, and economy. It draws on a range of secondary sources, particularly data available from Australian Bureau of Statistics, and it supplements this with insights from several visits to Leonora and its environs over the past two years. The paper also discusses some issues in regards to the sustainability of the town and concludes with some comments in regards to implications for adaptability and sustainable futures

The desert offers numerous opportunities for desert residents. Notably, it is endowed with rich natural resources. It has a strikingly unique landscape, vast mineral deposits and natural resources, and is rich in heritage, culture and traditional knowledge. This natural wealth offers opportunities for business enterprises in a range of industries including tourism, bush food, arts, pastoral and other commercial enterprises that service large companies operating in the desert. But what are the types of businesses in the desert? How many of these businesses are Aboriginal-owned and not Aboriginal-owned, and in what industries are these enterprises engaged? This paper presents a profile of businesses in desert Australia. The paper outlines the number of businesses1 located in Australian desert regions, the number of businesses by Aboriginal status, the types of industries and the access these enterprises have to internet facilities. The analysis is based on ABS 2006 census data.

This report proposes a framework (referred to as the broker diagnostic) to assess and analyse the efficacy of institutional arrangements for Aboriginal people and their land management aspirations in the LEB. The framework focuses on the efforts of individual facilitators, leaders and community champions to broker the interface between Aboriginal communities and environmental programs and institutions. The term ‘broker’ is borrowed from social network theory and recognises the value of these individuals to act as bridges or ‘nodes’ between regional NRM organisations, government funding programs and Aboriginal communities. These brokers are therefore uniquely placed to act as a valuable ‘litmus test’ to critically assess the support provided to Aboriginal communities to manage the Aboriginal and shared lands, environments and natural resources of the LEB. The broker diagnostic has been informed by research that has critically examined key drivers affecting sustainable development in desert environments (Reynolds et al. 2007, Stafford Smith 2008) and the emergence of local, regional and extra-regional integrated planning approaches to achieve sustainable development outcomes (e.g. Lane et al. 2005, Lane & Robinson in press). Of particular interest is research that has assessed Aboriginal participation in local and regional NRM programs in Australia (e.g. Robinson et al. 2005, Worth 2005, Lane & Corbett 2005, Howitt 2001, Lane & Williams 2008), and those authors who have analysed the role of brokers in regional NRM planning and implementation (e.g. Fenton 2007, Rixon et al. 2007). This research has informed the development of the components of the broker diagnostic, which are as follows: - Brokers and organisations understand the key contextual issues affecting Aboriginal environmental governance. - Brokers have the individual and organisational capabilities to respond to key issues affecting - Aboriginal environmental governance. - Aboriginal Knowledge (AK) is integrated into environmental planning and management.

The book is divided into 14 chapters, each focusing on a native ingredient. Examples include bush tomatoes, Kakadu plums, lemon myrtle, macadamias and wild lime. The author is passionate about Indigenous food and hopes to not only inform people of the nutritional value of the ingredients but encourage people to cook with them. Contents Introduction Finding Australian ingredients Australian superfruits Anisata; Bush tomato; Davidson's plum; Kakadu plum; Lemon aspen; Lemon myrtle; Macadamia nut; Mountain pepper; Native mint; Quandong; Riberry; Wattleseed; Wild lime; Wild rosella

In this millennium, global drylands face a myriad of problems that present tough research, management, and policy challenges. Recent advances in dryland development, however, together with the integrative approaches of global change and sustainability science, suggest that concerns about land degradation, poverty, safeguarding biodiversity, and protecting the culture of 2.5 billion people can be confronted with renewed optimism. We review recent lessons about the functioning of dryland ecosystems and the livelihood systems of their human residents and introduce a new synthetic framework, the Drylands Development Paradigm (DDP). The DDP, supported by a growing and well-documented set of tools for policy and management action, helps navigate the inherent complexity of desertification and dryland development, identifying and synthesizing those factors important to research, management, and policy communities.

This research shows that pathways to Aboriginal education, training and employment do not necessarily start with traineeships, apprenticeships, cadetships or work placements. The option of enrolling and engaging trainee researchers in formal training arrangements was not elected on the basis of our judgement that it would not be viable. This decision was supported by recommendations in reports by the Australian National Training Authority (ANTA) and the National Centre for Vocational Education Research about essential factors that favour training outcomes. For example, Gelade and Stehlik (2004) found that many Aboriginal adults did not have sufficient proficiency in English language, literacy and numeracy to meet the training requirements of VET courses, and this appears to be a factor in the Anmatyerr region. Although ‘traineeships’ between institutions and service providers can receive extra government support from education and Aboriginal programs, the service providers would not be available to work one-on-one with the Anmatyerr trainee researchers, which was the case with the research team and coordinator. The pathway discussed here starts locally and endorses and includes the cultural education and training of Elders. The cultural basis to the training is supported by a community-based mentor and Elders as well as a coordinator and various non-Aboriginal institutions. Although perhaps regarded as a ‘preparation phase’, activities acquired locally in culturally safe environments such as listening, observing, committing, attendance, preparing for and participating in field trips, managing money for daily needs, and communicating are fostering essential skills that underpin more formal education and training options. The research concluded that the most appropriate training pathway towards employment/livelihoods is one where training is embedded in practice. These are characteristics of the pathway to the starting line of formal training programs.

The provision of livelihoods for desert Aboriginal people is a common goal for desert communities as well as governments, research agencies and other organisations. We examine six issues surrounding the creation of indigenous livelihoods in cultural and natural resource management. Our analysis draws from the character of the training pathways and the livelihoods in water management that are being constructed in central Australia as part of the Anmatyerr Water Project, a research program that identifies culturally-based livelihoods as a major mechanism for facilitating the process of having Aboriginal rights and cultural values provided for in water management. Such livelihoods aim to enhance the cultural and natural resource management needs of non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal owners and managers through integration of profit and non-profit activities, and previously disconnected policies. The building of inter-cultural capacity and inter-cultural arrangements would assist in creating livelihoods in existing enterprises and work programs. A broader approach aims for cultural and natural resource livelihoods that have additional socio-cultural and economic outcomes. We discuss relevant issues and make consequent recommendations that inform the construction of these livelihoods

This scoping report was prepared for the Desert Knowledge CRC in response to a number of stakeholders who had expressed concerns about the structural impediments that currently limit regional transport in desert Australia and between regional centres and outlying communities. Regional transport is generally seen by governments and businesses as a difficult and high cost exercise, without the flexibility required for the desert environment. The scoping study thus included consideration of the different approaches to regional transport that these institutions could implement to achieve better local mobility. Three broad aims were identified for the study: 1. to identify structural impediments limiting regional transport in desert Australia and between regional centres and outlying communities 2. to examine the approaches available to achieve better local mobility 3. to identify the significant research issues requiring further consideration.

This paper demonstrates that Buffel Grass is most established in Watarrka National Park along tracks and drainage lines (particularly in rocky country), and shows a preference for clay soils. This information was used to model the likely concurrence of Buffel Grass with rare species or areas of high plant diversity. The models used predict that Buffel Grass has invaded most (63%) areas of high plant diversity, as well over 80% of the distributions up to 43% of plant species found in the National Park , and at least part of the distributions of 17 rare species. The authors propose that the predictive model can be used to develop management recommendations for Buffel Grass. Buffel Grass Cenchrus ciliaris is a major environmental threat to biodiversity in central Australia and is rapidly expanding its distribution on National Parks and other areas of conservation concern. Managers need appropriate mapping of the potential and current Buffel Grass distribution at a broad landscape scale in order to prioritize their use of limited resources for survey and control efforts. Watarrka National Park was used as a case study to trial the effectiveness of aerial survey for mapping Buffel Grass distribution. Over 7 000 aerial observations were recorded from transects across the whole Park. Ground truthing indicated an acceptable level of accuracy for the aerial derived data at 84%, and a Kappa coefficient of 49. The aerial survey data were used to build a surface probability model for the entire Park based on environmental variables using Generalized Linear Modelling and then applied using a Geographic Information System. Distance to drainage and distance to tracks, followed by ruggedness, hummock grass cover and soil texture were the most important explanatory variables in determining the probability of occurrence of Buffel Grass. The surface model was overlaid with available vegetation mapping to quantify the level of threat to native plant diversity, in particular rare plant species diversity. This information is useful in developing a strategy for managing Buffel Grass at a landscape scale that is based on invasive potential and known biodiversity values, where previous management has focused on small scale site specific control actions.

Buffel grass (Cenchrus ciliaris L.) is a perennial tussock grass native to Africa, India and Asia with a wide naturalized distribution in Australia (Butler and Fairfax 2003). In arid Northern Territory (NT) it has spread widely from introduction points and now occurs extensively across all land tenures. In the early years of establishment, C. ciliaris was generally viewed in the region as a desirable species for land rehabilitation and pastoralism. However, in recent years there has been growing concern of its impacts on biodiversity. In this paper we examine some of the issues associated with the proliferation of C. ciliaris in arid NT, particularly from a conservation perspective.

This working paper is part of research for Desert Knowledge Cooperative Research Centre (DKCRC) Core Project (CP) 5 ‘Desert Services that Work: Demand Responsive Services for Desert Settlements’. An aspect of CP5 research in the Northern Territory (NT) is ‘the implementation of new NT models of housing tenancy and asset management and their interface with tenant demand’.1 Field research is being conducted in two Aboriginal communities (Lajamanu and Ali Curung) to explore the fit of the NT Government’s remote public housing model with capacities and conditions in the two communities. This working paper2 examines the context and motivations for the policy change, from a community rental housing model in 73 remote Aboriginal communities of 100 people or more3, to a public housing model whereby construction and upgrades of housing stock, asset maintenance, repairs and maintenance, and tenancy management will all be under the control of Territory Housing, the NT Government’s housing agency4. This ‘mainstreaming’ of Aboriginal-controlled community housing is a significant change of policy direction in at least two respects. First, prior to 2008 all Aboriginal-specific housing funds in the NT were channelled into housing stock that was managed by Indigenous Community Housing Organisations (ICHOs). A stock of approximately 6000 housing units housed 63 per cent of NT Aboriginal adults (ABS 2008) in remote conditions. The NT Government chose not to put any housing funds into State Owned and Managed Indigenous Housing (SOMIH). The ICHOs managed a higher number of dwellings than Territory Housing’s approximately 5392 public housing units located in the main centres of the NT (CoA 2007, p. 72). Second, the Housing Minister’s Building a better future: Indigenous housing to 2010 (BBF) document recognised the difficulties of housing provision in remote communities and advocated ‘a sustainable and active Aboriginal community housing sector acting in partnership with governments’ (HMAC Standing Committee on Indigenous Housing 2001). The BBF community-housing platform has never been repudiated. The policy change from a community to a public housing model occurred without public debate or Aboriginal consultation and without an evidence base that government housing agencies can do a better job of providing remote Aboriginal housing.

The Northern Territory Government is developing and implementing a new housing model in remote Aboriginal communities. This paper describes the NT Remote Indigenous Housing Approach and investigates where the housing model has the potential to improve service delivery and other areas where policy adjustments may be required to provide a better ‘fit’ between the model and remote and diverse Aboriginal communities. This working paper is part of initial research for Desert Knowledge Cooperative Research Centre (DKCRC) Core Project (CP) 5: ‘Desert Services that Work: Demand Responsive Services for Desert Settlements’. An aspect of CP5 research in the Northern Territory (NT) is: ‘the implementation of new NT models of housing tenancy and asset management and their interface with tenant demand’.1 Field research is being conducted in two Aboriginal communities (Lajamanu and Ali Curung) to explore the fit of the NT Government’s remote public housing model with capacities and conditions in the two communities. This working paper examines NT Government progress on implementing the NT remote Aboriginal housing program.2 The principles of the ‘new housing system for the bush’ were laid out in the Memorandum of Understanding between the Commonwealth and the Northern Territory Governments in respect of Indigenous Housing, Accommodation and Related Services of September 2007 (MoU 2007) and include that: • all new remote Aboriginal housing will be publicly owned by Territory Housing • leases will be able to be established over properties • existing housing will transfer to publicly owned Territory Housing when it meets the remote public housing framework standard • the Northern Territory Residential Tenancies Act (RTA) will apply to tenancy agreements and will govern the rights and responsibilities of both landlords and tenants.

Since their release over 100 years ago, camels have spread across central Australia and increased in number. Increasingly, they are being seen as a pest, with observed impacts from overgrazing and damage to infrastructure such as fences. Irregular aerial surveys since 1983 and an interview-based survey in 1966 suggest that camels have been increasing at close to their maximum rate. A comparison of three models of population growth fitted to these, albeit limited, data suggests that the Northern Territory population has indeed been growing at an annual exponential rate of r = 0.074, or 8% per year, with little evidence of a density-dependent brake. A stage-structured model using life history data from a central Australian camel population suggests that this rate approximates the theoretical maximum. Elasticity analysis indicates that adult survival is by far the biggest influence on rate of increase and that a 9% reduction in survival from 96% is needed to stop the population growing. In contrast, at least 70% of mature females need to be sterilised to have a similar effect. In a benign environment, a population of large mammals such as camels is expected to grow exponentially until close to carrying capacity. This will frustrate control programs, because an ever-increasing number of animals will need to be removed for zero growth the longer that culling or harvesting effort is delayed. A population projection for 2008 suggests ~10 500 animals need to be harvested across the Northern Territory. Current harvests are well short of this. The ability of commercial harvesting to control camel populations in central Australia will depend on the value of animals, access to animals and the presence of alternative species to harvest when camels are at low density.