Remote Australia Online

Wind erosion is a land degradation process with global consequences. Understanding spatial and temporal patterns in land susceptibility to wind erosion is essential for integrating wind erosion research across scales and enhancing management strategies to control potential land degradation. There are significant gaps in our knowledge of which areas of the Earth’s surface are susceptible to wind erosion, and how the erodibility of land changes through time in response to climate variability and land management pressures. This stems from a lack of research into spatial and temporal patterns of land erodibility, particularly at the landscape to regional scales (103 to 104 km2). This thesis addresses these knowledge gaps by presenting research into the development and application of a model to assess land susceptibility to wind erosion in the rangelands of western Queensland, Australia.

This paper investigates the relative performance of unicast and broadcast traffic traversing a one-hop ad hoc network utilising the 802.11 DCF. An extended Markov model has been developed and validated through computer simulation, which successfully predicts the respective performance of unicast and broadcast in a variety of mixed traffic scenarios. Under heavy network traffic conditions, a significant divergence is seen to develop between the performance of the two traffic classes - in particular, when network becomes saturated, unicast traffic is effectively given higher precedence over broadcast. As a result, the network becomes dominated by unicast frames, leading to poor rates of broadcast frame delivery.

The rapid diminishing in the cost of commodity wireless hardware in recent years has prompted the use of multiple radios to improve the capacity of wireless networks. However, the research has shown that the improvement obtained from using multiple radios does not solely depend on the number of radios, but primarily on how these radios can be integrated in a constructive manner. A common way of integration multiple radios is to use a dedicated radio for control. To date, a number of multi-radio MAC protocol are employing a dedicated radio to control and coordinate the other radios, though the approaches are varied from one to another. In this paper, the control separation techniques in the multi-radio multi-channel MAC have been surveyed, and a classification of control separation techniques is provided. Moreover, this study points out the open research issues and intends to spark new interests and developments in this field.

This ethnoecological study examines land uses by modern Martu Aboriginal people on their country. They occupy very remote settlements—Parnngurr, Punmu and Kunawarritji—in the Great and Little Sandy Deserts. In 1990, their country included Crown Lands and Rudall River National Park. The study investigated the proposition that the knowledge and practices of Martu were of direct relevance to ecosystem processes and national park management. This research commenced in the wider Australian research context of the late 1980s – early 90s when prevailing questions were about the role of customary harvest within contemporary Aboriginal society (Altman 1987; Devitt 1988) and the sustainability of species-specific harvests by Australian indigenous people (Bomford & Caughley 1996). Separately, there was a national line of enquiry into Aboriginal roles in natural resource and protected area management (Williams & Hunn 1986; Birckhead et al. 1992). The field work underpinning this study was done in 1986–1988 and quantitative data collected in 1990 whilst the researcher lived on Martu settlements. Ethnographic information was gathered from informal discussions, semi-structured interviews and participant observation on trips undertaken by Martu. A variety of parameters was recorded for each trip in 1990. On trips accompanied by the researcher, details on the plant and animal species collected were quantified. Martu knowledge and observations of Martu behaviour are interpreted in terms of the variety of land uses conducted and transport strategies including vehicle use; the significance of different species collected; socio-economic features of bush food collection; spatio-temporal patterns of foraging; and, the ‘management’ of species and lands by Martu. The research found that in 1990, hunting and gathering were major activities within the suite of land uses practiced by Martu. At least 40% of trips from the settlements were principally to hunt. More than 43 animal species and 37 plant food species were reported to be collected during the study; additionally, species were gathered for firewood, medicines and timber artefacts. Customary harvesting persisted because of the need for sustenance, particularly when there were low store supplies, as well as other reasons. The weight of bush meats hunted at least equalled and, occasionally, was three times greater than the weights of store meats available to Parnngurr residents. Resources were procured from an area generally within 50 km of the settlements. High flexibility and opportunism characterised resource and land use patterns by Martu, these strategies are interpreted to be responsive to the extreme spatial and temporal variability of their desert environment. ‘Management-type’ concepts expressed by Martu were investigated. The study found one central concept associated with ‘holding and being held by’ (kanyirninpa) wherein Martu action was believed to be integral to ecological production. Whilst the study commenced with attention to species-specific sustainability of harvesting, it concluded that ecological sustainability must be viewed at organisational scales ranging from localised species populations to wider ecosystem processes. Martu identified declines in the production of their lands but attributed this to factors other than hunting. Martu burn regimes and feral animal hunting ameliorated strong evidence for species declines due to over-harvest. The study speculated that Martu practices had differential effects with some of these slowing, if not stalling, declining biodiversity condition trends. From 1990 to 2007, there was continuity of some Martu practices and major changes on their lands. Changes included land use intensification by non-Aboriginal people, attempts by Department of Environment and Conservation (DEC) to engage in joint management and increased urbanisation of Martu. Extreme trauma was experienced in Martu communities with escalating sickness and death rates. These changes put great pressure upon Martu individuals and their employees which constrained comanagement opportunities. The importance of Aboriginal customary harvest and associated activities remains poorly recognised in wider Australia (Altman 2004). This dissertation concludes that Martu knowledge and practice was not just relevant but integral to the management of Karlamilyi (Rudall River) National Park. However, profound differences between the objectives and procedures of Martu and DEC existed. But there were mutual interests including the land area, indigenous ecological knowledge, wildlife survey and burning regimes. Paradoxically, hunting was a subject of significant difference despite it being the principal activity driving Martu expertise and practice. There is potential for comanagement in the National Park but it remains contingent on many factors between both Martu and DEC as well as external to them. The dissertation suggests practical strategies to enhance co-management

The grazing strategy used at Wyndham is a flexible rotation system. The grazing system varies from intensive cell grazing in average and good seasons to a lower intensity, slower rotation in poorer seasons. The property is divided into 24 paddocks, and there is at least one water per paddock. A combination of plain and electric fencing is used. The system has been in use across the entire property for seven years with between 60% and 90% of the property being spelled at any given time. Initially, the Whytes attempted cell grazing with at least 90% of the property always being spelled, but they found that the stock went backwards during dry conditions. The current flexible rotation system was found to work better in these extreme seasons. More land is spelled during runs of good seasons as it is very beneficial to the country.

Twenty percent of the entire property is spelled at any given time. The length of the spelling period is variable depending on seasonal conditions. Due to the relative reliability of the rainfall, stocking rates can usually be set at about five adult equivalents per square kilometre. Factors such as the amount of grass available and cattle prices influence how paddocks are actually stocked. The use of low stocking rates provides a buffer against later or drier wet seasons. The grazing system in place has been refined over time due to the influence of training courses such as Grazing for Profit.

The grazing strategy used at Tara is time-controlled rotational grazing. The property is divided into 42 paddocks of varying shapes, with all being 365 hectares in size. Fences are mostly single wire electric, but three barb or electric wires are used for weaners and two electric wires are used for laneways. There’s a minimum of two waters in each paddock, with up to four waters in some paddocks. The system has been in operation for ten years. Ninety-two percent of Tara is spelled at any given time. The decision to implement time-controlled rotational grazing was made after Dan attended a Grazing for Profit School in the late 1990s. He also visited others that were using alternative grazing systems. He then developed a full plan before implementing the new system across the entire property over the course of three years. He continues to gather knowledge to fine-tune the management of his grazing system. His approach to the development of his paddock system was quite innovative when he started ten years ago. No one else in the district was doing anything like it and he also decided to try something other than the traditional “wagon wheel” paddock configuration common to intensive grazing systems. By implementing paddocks of any shape with multiple waters, Dan has been able to reduce grazing intensity near the water and improve the evenness of use of each paddock.

The rotational system operates on 60,000 hectares of the most productive country in order to capitalise on the better feed and grazing potential. There are five paddocks, four of which are 10,000 hectares and one is 20,000 hectares. The paddocks are fenced with four-wire electric fencing. Each of the 10,000 hectare paddocks has seven waterpoints and there are 14 in the larger paddock. The Hammarquists move tanks and troughs between the paddocks to reduce capital costs and maximise the use of infrastructure. Cattle are run in a single mob of 570 to 1,800 cows depending on seasonal conditions. The paddocks are each grazed for a fixed amount of time. The smaller paddocks are each used for three months and the bigger paddock is used for six months. Cattle numbers are adjusted to ensure that these time periods are maintained.

Etiwanda is managed using a Holistic Planning approach. Holistic Planning looks at and integrates all aspects of the enterprise including land, livestock, economics and people. The decision to implement this approach was made after the family attended a Holistic Management training programme about ten years ago. Before that, the Moselys had been trying to work out how to deal with the scrub problems on Etiwanda. They had been running goats to try and fix this issue but it wasn’t working so they started looking for new ideas. As Andrew Mosely explains, “with the new knowledge we started to look for the root cause of the scrub problem. We then began to focus on the soil health and the health of the perennial grasses as the best way to deal with the problem. We then started on the fence development program to enable us to manage our plant recovery periods”. The strategy is “planned grazing with long rest periods”. Of the 28,000 hectares, 18,000 ha are fenced into 18 paddocks ranging in size from 150 ha to 1,000 ha. The fencing is still under development, but currently consists of hinge-joint perimeter fencing and electric fencing to subdivide the paddocks. Two mobs rotate through two separate paddock complexes on the property. The sheep, cattle and goats graze together in the same paddocks most of the time. Each paddock is currently rested for 120 days. The Moselys are looking to extend the rest period to 150–180 days. The aim is to not dip below this threshold as they believe that this is the minimum period that pasture plants require in order to recover following grazing. Andrew notes that drier periods require longer recovery periods.

Twenty-five percent of the overall property is rested at any given time. The cell system, which has been fenced on 23,500 hectares of the most productive country for nine years, has 98% of its area being rested at any given time. Cattle are run in a single mob of 1,000 to 1,200 head. The decision to implement cell grazing was made after Evan and Robin attended a Grazing for Profit School in the late 1990s. The cell area currently comprises 57 paddocks in a grid formation, with the potential to become about 100 paddocks with an ideal size of about 225 hectares each. A single-wire electric fence is used to control the cattle. Most waterpoints are situated in the paddock corners which means that each water can supply four paddocks. The water supply is still being refined to maximise flow rates to troughs and tanks. An innovation in the water infrastructure has been to use dump-truck tyres from the local mines as water troughs. Another innovation at Cheela Plains is the lack of gates in the cell system. Cattle are moved between paddocks by lifting the single-wire electric fence with a PVC pole. This means the stock can be moved from any location (not necessarily the paddock corner or trough). The cattle also recognise the white pole very quickly. When paddocks are not in use an old truck tyre is simply laid on the wire at track intersections etc. The old truck tyre laying on the ground near the fence becomes the only permanent “gate” fixture. Cattle are moved quietly using horses.

David McQuie has been refining his grazing system for the past 22 years. His family are recognised throughout the district for their conservative approach to land management and David’s observations and experience over a lifetime have led to the current management system. There are five main paddocks on Bulga Downs and these are fenced to country type. Fences are five wire (four plain and one barb). There are 51 waterpoints and the McQuies continue to upgrade two of these per year from sheep to cattle standard. David describes his grazing strategy as ‘country-condition dependent’ grazing. A minimum of one third of the property is spelled at any given time with the length of the spelling period dependent on the season and the condition of the paddock. The spelling period ranges from 1 year to 10 years, with David describing this spelled country as his ‘environmental bank balance’. The McQuies began trialling the system by starting with the areas that needed to be shut up immediately. After seeing the positive results, they rolled out the spelling system across the remainder of the property as quickly as possible.

There are 29 paddocks of varying sizes on Woodgreen. Fences are three wire barb, with steel pickets every 22 metres. There are 53 waters on the property. The fences are built so that the bottom wire is quite high off the ground. This protects them from fires and also stops kangaroos from breaking the bottom wire. It also allows them to cut off the scrub growing near the fence lines with a grader (note that the soil surface is not scraped, in order to prevent erosion). Two thirds of the productive country is spelled at any given time and sustainable numbers are run. The steers and older cows are run on the best country and each mob is rotated between two paddocks. Seven small (~50 head) mobs of breeders and the unmated heifers each have three paddocks of equivalent carrying capacity to rotate through. The Purvis’s philosophy for the past 40 years has been to get the country into the best possible condition and keep it there.

Between 10% and 15% of the entire property is spelled at any given time. The steer paddock system is made up of four paddocks ranging in size from 40 to 120 square kilometres. Three of these paddocks share a central water, with the fourth larger paddock having three water points. Fences are four barb with steel pickets. The steer paddocks are situated on the most productive country and have been gradually implemented over the past ten years.

This case study describes a water-controlled rotation system which has been trialled at Rockhampton Downs since May 2004. The idea for the system came about after managers noticed how well holding paddocks responded after being heavily stocked for short periods and then rested. The concept they have trialled is turning waters on and off in a single paddock during the dry season so that the cattle rotate throughout the paddock. The trial paddock was initially part of a larger paddock that was divided in halves. During the trial, the other half was managed under normal station practice (continuous grazing) for comparison. Each water in the rotation paddock is used for approximately six weeks during the dry season before being switched off. Cattle then move themselves to the next water, with station staff following up any stragglers. Over the wet season, cattle are free to graze wherever they like, but naturally concentrate on the red soil after rains. Each water point is thus spelled for up to 40 weeks depending on the duration of the wet season. Under the system, 80% of the paddock is being spelled at any given time during the dry season.

Depending on the season, between 50% and 80% of the property is rested at any given time. Narwietooma has 90 paddocks ranging in size from 200 hectares to 300 square kilometres. External fencing is all barb and internal fences are electric. There are 55 bores and 38 dams on the property. The more intensive aspect of the grazing system was first trialled in a small area and has been subsequently expanded over the past 12 years. The larger paddocks in the mulga and spinifex country are usually rested and provide a place to put stock during dry periods. The implementation of the grazing system has been aided by attending many formal training workshops including Grazing for Profit and Holistic Management.

Lyndavale was subdivided from Erldunda station in 1987 and was relatively undeveloped at that time. The Stanes have thus had to develop the infrastructure on Lyndavale from scratch over the past twenty years. Initially, they divided the whole property into smaller paddocks. However, John and Anne have since removed the dividing fences in the less productive mulga sandhill country as “they created a lot of work and expense in relation to their return”. This mulga country is now a single large paddock managed by controlling the 25 waters within it. The 25 bores are well spread, with none having overlapping grazing zones. The more productive country (the calcareous plains) is fenced into smaller paddocks. There is a weaner heifer paddock where the young females are put for about eight months before they are moved to the larger mulga paddock. The weaner heifer paddock thus has young cattle moving in and out of it and gets a spell every year. When the heifers are moved to the mulga country, they are not simply mixed up with the cows already in the paddock. Instead, they are put onto three or four different bores with others of their age group. This allows the Stanes to manage the grazing regime on each bore. As the cows reach about eight years of age they are sold and these bores then get a spell until a new group of young heifers is introduced. The Stanes also have a weaner steer paddock and a bullock paddock in the more productive country. In dry periods the grazing pressure is managed and if necessary some extra classes of steers will be trucked off depending on the markets at the time. The Stanes are in the process of dividing the bullock paddock in half to increase flexibility in managing grazing pressure and spelling.

Alcoota has eleven paddocks ranging in size from 100 to 300 square kilometres. Fencing is 3-4 barb suspension type and there are 25 waters on the station including dams. About 30% of the station is spelled at any given time. Christopher notes that he doesn’t have a formal schedule for determining which paddocks are spelled. Rather, these decisions are based on observation with his experience telling him when paddocks need a spell. Spelling has been gradually introduced across the property since 2002 when Christopher attended a Grazing for Profit School. He feels that this and other courses have highlighted the links between good pasture and land condition and improved long-term production.

What is called ‘Central Australia’ is a substantial part of that two thirds of the continent known as the Outback, home to more than half a million people. The demographic profile is dynamic; a rapidly growing Indigenous population that is also highly mobile, contrasted with a non-Indigenous population that is continuing to reduce in some areas and expand in others, particularly as a consequence of mining activity. The region suffers from dysfunctional governance for a range of reasons, including: ineffective cooperation between jurisdictions; the failure of fiscal federalism to ensure the proper allocation of funding to remote and rural regions; little local decision-making or devolved financial power and authority; and, lack of sustained public investment in services, infrastructure and public administration. The sparse, patchy and mobile populations of the remote regions have little political voice or capacity to influence markets (except in the niche market of cultural tourism and arts and crafts). The outback, its peoples and its governance are overlooked too much of the time – with increasingly significant consequences; consequences that are beginning to demand the attention of the wider public and governments. It is only times of almost irreparable crisis that command attention.

Many authors have identified intersectoral collaboration as an important requirement for improvement of service delivery to various communities (CGC 2001, IPAA 2002). Much of the literature comes out of the health sector, wherein the philosophy and practice of primary health care emphasises a comprehensive service approach which includes curative services, prevention of disease, promotion of health, community participation and intersectoral collaboration (WHO 1978). The Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion (WHO 1986) promotes community mobilisation to achieve health gains though healthy public policy and intersectoral action. This interest within the health sector is because of an appreciation that improved health outcomes are largely defined by factors outside of the health sector. A whole of government approach to service delivery is generally seen as desirable. In Europe, all of the Healthy Cities projects have established intersectoral committees (Baum 2002 p513). In desert and remote Australia, there are several current collaborative initiatives under way: the seven Indigenous Community Coordination Trials sponsored by the Council of Australian Governments (COAG), the Wangka Wilurarra Regional Project and the Goodna Service Integration Project. The recent NT Government local government reform initiative is another natural experiment in this field. Moves toward regional structures in Cape York and the Torres Strait have contained strong elements which intend to move beyond rigid program guidelines and vertical service delivery, to improve the outcomes for their communities (Warchivker & Mitchell 2003).

A value chain is the name for a series of different actions done to a basic ingredient or thing, where at each activity the product gains some value. The chain of activities gives the products more added value than the sum of added values of all of the actions. It is important not to confuse adding value with the costs of the value adding activities.

As part of a collaborative research project created to promote the coexistence of fire, people and biodiversity in central Australia, a case study was conducted on Aboriginal perceptions of fire and its management in the southern Tanami Desert of Central Australia. The Tanami was chosen due to consecutive wildfire events and reported fire conflicts between Aboriginal and pastoral (cattle station) landholders on fire issues. This paper addresses fire issues from the perspective of Warlpiri Aboriginal people in this region. It shows that many Warlpiri hold strong views concerning the use of fire and its management. Elders, in particular, have retained tradition-based knowledge about fire and its effects on the environment. The complex cultural protocols that structure decisions about who burns, when and where are discussed. It is shown that, although there have been dramatic changes to their subsistence economy, Warlpiri still burn for cultural and economic reasons. At the same time, social change has given rise to new fire-related issues, including lack of access to remote areas in order to undertake burning and a decrease in fire knowledge among younger generations. The paper argues that Warlpiri perceptions of fire management, needs and skills must be incorporated in a regional fire management strategy if the cycle of wildfire that follows above average rainfall periods in the Tanami is to be broken. Proper resourcing of Aboriginal people to fire their land in customary ways will enhance Aboriginal livelihoods as well as benefit other stakeholders in the region.

Recent wildfire events in central Australia have raised awareness as well as conflict about fire management. Consequently, as part of the Desert Fire project, a research initiative was developed to promote the coexistence of fire, people and biodiversity in the Tanami Desert, with the long-term future goal of developing a collaborative regional fire strategy. The southern Tanami Desert was chosen as a regional case study, due to consecutive wildfire events and reported conflict between Aboriginal and pastoral land holders in the region. The research involved the collaboration of the Central Land Council (CLC) and the Department of Natural Resources, Environment, the Arts and Sport (NRETAS): Division of Biodiversity Conservation, and Bushfires NT on two subprojects. The first subproject, driven by NRETAS, developed a detailed fire history of the region and evaluated the perspectives of pastoral land managers on fire management issues (Allan 2009). The second subproject was driven by the CLC and is the subject of this chapter. A study was devised to address fire issues from the perspective of Aboriginal people in the southern Tanami. The research focused on finding out why, how, when and where Aboriginal people burn, and who is doing the burning. It also sought to determine Aboriginal perceptions of fire issues and conflicts (if any), local interest in livelihoods in relation to fire, and current fire knowledge and use of tradition-derived fire practices in the contemporary context. Field work was conducted on these issues in the three predominantly Warlpiri communities of Yuendumu, Nyirrpi (also partly Pintupi) and Willowra. The research used social science methods associated with qualitative inquiry.

In recent months, national and international awareness of the existence of a feral camel population in central Australia has grown dramatically. In part, this is due to the circulation in the mass media of images showing hundreds of camels converging on Kaltukatjara, an Aboriginal settlement in the Northern Territory (NT), and the accompanying criticism of proposals to reduce the population by aerial culling. Although apparently in jest, CNBC America finance news anchor Erin Burnett labelled Prime Minister Kevin Rudd a ‘serial killer’ for condoning the culling. In response, sections of the animal welfare lobby took up Burnett as a poster girl for her stance against camel killing. Ironically, Burnett was not against killing camels for consumption, but was opposed to their being slaughtered and not used for meat.

This paper reports on a survey of Aboriginal perceptions of feral camels undertaken with Aboriginal people from 27 Aboriginal communities within the current feral camel range in central Australia. Research methods were qualitative, involving face-to-face semi-structured interviews. Views were sought on feral camel presence and impacts and people’s attitudes towards feral camel management. In just over two-thirds of the communities surveyed, interviewees reported seeing camels. Many interviewees in high camel density areas claimed that camels damage natural and cultural resources (such as water places and bush tucker) and affect their customary use of country. Roughly a third of interviewees also claimed that feral camels deprive native species of water. Damage to infrastructure and homelands was also reported, and concern was expressed over the danger that camels posed both on and off the roads. At the same time, camels are said to have positive benefits and most interviewees view them as a potential resource. Yet despite a widely held view among interviewees that camels need to be controlled, the majority were only prepared to consider limited management options. What is significant, however, is that Aboriginal views on feral camels today are not homogenous: there is a diversity of perspectives emerging in response to transformations being brought about by feral camels on Aboriginal land. The findings are discussed in the context of earlier studies on Aboriginal perceptions of feral animals in central Australia, which concluded that feral animals were thought not to be a significant land management problem but to ‘belong to country’. The implications of changing Aboriginal perceptions of feral camels are discussed for the development of a collaborative feral camel management strategy.

As part of the survey of stakeholder perspectives on camel management, a survey was conducted on Aboriginal community perspectives on feral camels, their impacts, and management. The objective was: to identify the range of perspectives among selected Aboriginal communities to enable an effective participatory camel management strategy to be developed to promote education on camel issues. The research was carried out using qualitative methods involving two case studies and a wide-ranging survey. The main data collection method was face-to-face semi-structured interviews. Questions used as the basis for the interviews addressed people’s: - perceptions of feral camels and their presence - perspectives on the impacts of feral camels (including environmental, socio-cultural, and economic dimensions) - involvement in, and attitudes towards, different camel management options. The methods drew upon community-based participatory research principles, with local people assisting in the research process. The Camel Book, produced by Tangentyere Landcare, was used to give community members information about camel numbers, impacts, and management options.