Remote Australia Online

Objective: To describe rates of hospitalisation for head injury due to assault among Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Design, setting and participants: Secondary analysis of routinely collected hospital morbidity data for 42 874 inpatients at public and private hospitals in Queensland, Western Australia, South Australia and the Northern Territory for the 6-year period 1 July 1999 – 30 June 2005. Main outcome measures: Rates per 100 000 population of head injury due to assault by Indigenous status, age, sex and location of residence. Results: The overall rate of head injury due to assault was 60.4 per 100 000 population (95% CI, 59.8–60.9). The rate among the Indigenous population was 854.8 per 100 000 (95% CI, 841.0–868.9), 21 times that among the non-Indigenous population (40.7 per 100 000; 95% CI, 40.2–41.2). Most Indigenous (88%) and non-Indigenous (83%) victims of head injury due to assault were aged between 15 and 44 years. The peak incidence among the Indigenous population was in the 30–34-year age group, whereas that among the non-Indigenous population was in the 20–24-year age group. Indigenous females experienced 69 times the injury rate experienced by non-Indigenous females. Conclusions: Indigenous people, particularly women, were disproportionately represented among those hospitalised for head injury due to assault. Head injury imposes a substantial burden of care on individuals and communities. Along with the costs of treating head injury, these are good reasons to strengthen efforts to prevent head injury generally, with special attention to high-risk population segments.

Objective: To examine the impact of a government income management program on store sales. Design and setting: An interrupted time series analysis of sales data in 10 stores in 10 remote Northern Territory communities during 1 October 2006 to 30 September 2009, which included an 18-month period before income management; a 4–6-month period after the introduction of income management; a 3-month period that coincided with a government stimulus payment; and the remaining income-management period. Main outcome measures: Trends in (i) total store sales; (ii) total food and beverage sales; (iii) fruit and vegetables sales; (iv) soft drink sales; and v) tobacco sales. Results: Modest monthly increases indicative of inflation were found for all outcome measures before the introduction of income management, except for soft drink sales, which remained constant. No change from the increasing rate of monthly sales before income management was seen in the first 4–6 months of income management or for the income-management period thereafter for total store sales, food and beverage sales, fruit and vegetable sales and tobacco sales. The rate of soft drink sales declined significantly with the introduction of income management and then increased significantly thereafter. The 3-month government stimulus payment period (during the period of income management) was associated with a significant increase in the rate of sales for all outcome measures. Conclusion: Income management independent of the government stimulus payment appears to have had no beneficial effect on tobacco and cigarette sales, soft drink or fruit and vegetable sales..

Vocational education and training outcomes for Indigenous Australians have remained below expectations for some time. Implementation of Indigenous Standpoint Theory (IST) presents the opportunity to further enhance Vocational Education and Training for Indigenous people in Australia. This paper briefly discusses this theory, the concept of Indigenous knowledge and its integration to enhance Vocational Education and Training for Indigenous learners. It presents a case study on the experiences and challenges of a non-Indigenous Technical and Further Education (TAFE) teacher who has been working with Indigenous learners and communities in regional Queensland for over eight years. The paper highlights issues and challenges and identifies three binaries in integrating this theory to improve outcomes for Indigenous learners and their communities.

In 2000, reports of two Australian taskforce investigations considering justice responses to violence against women contained opposing recommendations about the suitability of restorative justice for cases of domestic and family violence. One taskforce was composed entirely of Indigenous women while the other was predominantly composed of non-Indigenous women. This article analyses interviews with members of each taskforce, confirming a split between Indigenous and non-Indigenous women on the appropriateness of restorative justice in cases of domestic and family violence. There was some agreement between Indigenous and non-Indigenous women's views about the potential for combining elements of the criminal justice system and restorative justice, although this potential was conditional on various factors specific to each group of women.

Issues of safety in remote Indigenous communities are well documented. Many reports focus on communities that face high rates of offences, including domestic violence, child abuse, drug and substance abuse, and traffic related incidents. Much of this is alcohol related. Cultural differences between skin groups and between customary and Western law also lead to conflict. In answer to some of these concerns, the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER) through Task Force Themis recently extended a permanent police presence to 18 new communities, adding to the 39 police stations that previously covered the Northern Territory. In terms of policing coverage in the Northern Territory, nearly all 15 locations identified for investment under the National Partnership Agreement on Remote Service Delivery now have a permanent or Themis police presence. The exceptions are Yirrkala, which is close to Nhulunbuy, and three communities at Milingimbi, Umbakumba and Angurugu with established or approved overnight policing facilities. The 20 locations nominated as Territory Growth Towns also have permanent or Themis stations, except for Yirrkala, Angurugu and Milingimbi as mentioned previously, and Daguragu, which is very close to the Kalkarindji community and police station. Feedback on the whole indicates that the additional policing presence has been welcomed in the communities and has had a positive effect on community safety. However, there still remain communities that do not have a permanent police presence or regular policing patrols or visits. This Review focuses on communities of over 100 people, which generally distinguishes communities with a level of centralised services from outstations or homelands. Mobility of community members results in fluctuations in community size and one of the difficulties in undertaking this Review has been to determine those communities without a policing presence that do have a population of near or over 100. In addition, some of the communities that do have a police presence are reporting that policing is not effective and needs to be more visible. The issue for this Review then is how to further policing in remote communities by improving the services that are currently provided and by extending these services to more communities.

Indigenous children remain significantly overrepresented in all child protection departments in Australia. Systemic problems which are closely tied to the history and current legacy of colonial relations between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and mainstream communities underpin this overrepresentation. One of the most destructive colonial policies, which has particular significance for child welfare departments, was the forced and unjustified removal of Indigenous children from their families. The trauma of this and other colonial policies is experienced intergenerationally by Indigenous communities. This trauma is often compounded by current traumatic experiences including violence, sexual abuse and substance abuse both experienced and witnessed by many Indigenous children. Over the past year considerable publicity has focused on child sexual abuse in Aboriginal communities, particularly after the revelations of a public prosecutor, Nanette Rogers, in the Northern Territory (‘NT’). While these ‘revelations’ shocked many, the issues have been raised over a considerable period of time, often by Indigenous communities, with few effective responses. In Australia, Indigenous children are more likely to come into contact with child welfare departments as a result of neglect than abuse. Neglect is directly tied to poverty. Poverty and marginalisation from the mainstream economy is also a legacy of colonial relations. If child protection legislation is to be effective it needs to facilitate policy which addresses the underlying causes of Indigenous children’s overrepresentation in child protection systems.

Recent years have been tumultuous times for Indigenous Australians. There have been moments of sadness, anger and disbelief at the extent of discrimination and lack of protection of Indigenous rights. But there have also been significant moments of healing, reconciliation and most recently jubilation! Today I will reflect with you on developments in relation to Indigenous health, the Northern Territory Emergency Response to family violence and child abuse, land and sea rights, and Indigenous representation.

This paper examines the similarities and differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous homicides in Australia during an 11-year period. The findings suggest that the “typical” Indigenous homicide in Australia differed from other homicides in important ways. Indigenous homicides were more likely to occur within the family environment, with a high proportion of female involvement (both as victims and offenders). Many of the incidents resulted from some form of domestic altercation. Alcohol was found to play a major role—just over four out of five Indigenous homicides involved either the victim or the offender, or both, drinking at the time of the incident. Knives were the most common weapon of choice, with firearms used in less than six per cent of homicides. Indigenous homicides involving strangers were found to be exceptionally rare. These findings can be used to achieve more informed and sound policy directions in the reduction and prevention of lethal violence for Indigenous Australians.

This new edited volume has been written by a diverse group of health professionals, the majority of whom are Indigenous Australians. A life cycle approach has been adopted, with chapters focusing on pregnancy and birthing through to the care and responsibilities of the elderly. These are bookended by the first chapter on Culture, History and Health which contextualises the subsequent content and the final chapter on future directions following the National Apology. Contents 1. Culture, history and health / Sherry Saggers, Maggie Walter, Dennis Gray 2. New life: conception, pregnancy and birthing / Terry Dunbar, Linda Ford 3. Aboriginal infants and young children: the challenges ahead / Heather D'Antoine, Dawn Bessarab 4. Aboriginal youth: challenges, strengths and opportunities / David Vicary, Tine Hoult 5. The health, social and emotional wellbeing of Aboriginal women / Pat Dudgeon, Roz Walker 6. Lives of indigenous Australian men / Mick Adams, Brian McCoy 7. The elderly: care and responsibilities / Sandra Thompson, Rosemary van den Berg, Kate Smith 8. Loss, grief, bad luck and sorry business / Jane Ulrik, Denise Foster, Vanessa Davis 9. The national apology: a new pathway forward? / Shaun Ewen, Brian McMoy

That the Committee inquire into positive factors and examples amongst Indigenous communities and individuals, which have improved employment outcomes in both the public and private sectors; and 1. recommend to the government ways this can inform future policy development; and 2. assess what significant factors have contributed to those positive outcomes identified, including what contribution practical reconciliation has made.

“Indigenous” has a number of usages that differ from “to be born in a specific place,” which is how the Concise Oxford Dictionary defines it. These usages tend to define indigenous by the experiences shared by a group of people who have inhabited a country for thousands of years, which often contrast with those of other groups of people who reside in the same country for a few hundred years. A number of alternative terms are preferred to indigenous. For example, in Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander is appropriate and acceptable. In Canada and the United States, the term First Nations is used to describe the Indian, Métis, and Inuit populations, whereas in Hawaii, native Hawaiian finds favour. Many groups prefer their own language. The Maori of New Zealand use “Tangata Whenua” or “people of the land” in preference to Maori used by the colonising Victorian English who, unaware of its meaning (ordinary or common), ironically deemed the indigenous population to be the ordinary inhabitants, rendering themselves extraordinary in the process.

Accurate data about Indigenous child health is vital to enable us to understand its current state, to acknowledge achievements, and to determine how to reduce inequalities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous children. We have identified a paucity of national, or nationally representative, data relating to Indigenous child health outcomes, and significant deficiencies in available data. A coordinated national approach will help address current data limitations, including lack of identification of Indigenous status, lack of currency, and lack of information about specific health disorders affecting Indigenous children. To ensure that health data collected are relevant and useful, Indigenous communities must have a role in data collection and management.

The objectives of this research were twofold: • To contribute to Australia’s economic and social development and the process of reconciliation between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the wider Australian Community through a better understanding of indigenous community business relationships and collective activities; and • To assist companies, business organisations and Australian Indigenous communities in their pursuit of future, mutually beneficial activities.

Indigenous communities, miners and the state in Australia

Forty-five people responded to the invitation to be involved in the Indigenous Community Engagement (ICE) project conducted under the auspices of the Pro Vice-Chancellor Community and Access at Charles Darwin University (CDU). The focus of the project was to research and evaluate CDU’s history of engagement with Indigenous communities – successes and difficulties, and possibilities for future enhancement. Respondents answered an email questionnaire, wrote short case studies, attended meetings and seminars, and responded to successive drafts of the report. Compared with other Australian universities, CDU has a reputation as a leader in Indigenous Community Engagement, in terms of both theory and practice. Most of this reputation arises as a result of work in the Vocational Education and Training (VET) sector and in participatory research. Our engagement with Indigenous communities has, with a couple of notable exceptions, been less successful in the area of higher education teaching and delivery. Respondents recognised that the Community and Access team have achieved a lot within the university to build understanding about Community Engagement as the third arm of our work. They also note that there is more work to be done and many possibilities for further action. We have divided the recommendations into four groups.

Improving the engagement and outcomes of Australian Indigenous people through training is underpinned by understanding the nature and experiences of learning for different people in a range of contexts. A number of Indigenous engagement projects that incorporated e-learning strategies were conducted between 2005 and 2007. These projects utilized a range of e-tools and strategies to embed e-learning into learning programmes that will improve the outcomes for Indigenous1 people, Australia-wide. This analysis explores the impact of e-learning-based pedagogy on the educational and employment outcomes of Indigenous people. In particular, the impact of incorporating e-learning into vocational education and training on Indigenous learners’ engagement, training and employment are considered. This chapter examines six case studies and reflects on the issues identified through this analysis. The theme identified centres around structures and processes. Structures include the use of technology in education and developing culturally appropriate training resources. The processes include professional development, integration of e-learning, partnerships and diverse representations of knowledge. The implication for investment in these processes and structures that enhances and supports learning and employment outcomes for Indigenous people is discussed. E-learning projects are aimed at addressing the skills and qualification gaps needed to gain successful employment outcomes. These projects had a particular focus on the involvement of Indigenous champions in the project and sustainability which are also discussed.

In 2002, the National Drug Research Institute (NDRI) produced a report entitled Indigenous Drug and Alcohol Projects 1999–2000, which was published by the Australian National Council on Drugs. The report mapped the location of projects directly targeting the misuse of alcohol and other drugs among Indigenous Australians. A total of 277 intervention projects conducted by or for Indigenous Australians was identified. The majority of those projects (226 or 81.6 per cent) were conducted by 177 Indigenous Australian community-controlled organisations. Indigenous Drug and Alcohol Projects: Elements of Best Practice is the second phase of that project. NDRI was asked to document — as case studies — five projects from those identified in Phase 1 as exemplifying best practice in Indigenous substance misuse interventions, which could be used as suitable models for the development of similar projects by other Indigenous communities.

Indigenous early school leavers in Australia's major cities comprise a significantly larger proportion of students than their non-Indigenous peers. Drawing on recent findings from the National Assessment Program: Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) and the Australian Census, this paper examines what those data may or may not tell us about those young Indigenous people and their engagement (or lack of engagement) with education. The paper explores the notions of educational failure and risk as they apply to this cohort of young people and then lays out a critique of the application of high-stakes tests, such as the NAPLAN, with particular reference to the educational disengagement of Indigenous youth. The paper concludes with some alternative policy options derived from evidence-based research in Australia and principles underlying education policy in what are often cited as some of the best educational systems in the world.

This paper examines 1996 and 2001 Census data to establish recent changes in Indigenous and non-Indigenous employment and income status in the Northern Territory. Also explored are some of the constraints and opportunities facing Indigenous people in their effort to increase their share of Territory income and raise their levels of participation in the labour market. The paper builds on previous analyses of Indigenous employment and income indicators for the Northern Territory, providing a window on recent trends in relative economic status. This time series is then extended by projecting the Indigenous working-age population and likely employment outcomes to 2011, in an attempt to estimate the scale of the task ahead for Indigenous people and governments as they attempt to raise Indigenous economic status. The findings suggest that the scale of this task is growing with time-Indigenous employment in the mainstream labour market is trending downwards along with the overall level of labour force participation, while the income gap between Indigenous and other Territory residents is widening. Given projected expansion of the working age population, the numbers in work need to rise just to keep the already low employment rate from falling further. The Northern Territory has a serious economic development problem-around one fifth of its resident adult population remains impoverished, structurally detached from the labour market, and ill-equipped to engage with it.

In 2008, the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) reduced the Indigenous education target from fix the problem in four years to fix half the problem in 10 years. The first four year’s NAPLAN results show that only Queensland and Western Australia have made significant progress. All states and territories will struggle to reach the reduced target. On the education ministers’ timetable, Indigenous children will not have the same education as non-Indigenous children until 2028. Most Indigenous Australians live and work in cities and towns. Their children—more than 110,000—attend mainstream schools and achieve minimum national literacy and numeracy standards like non-Indigenous students. Indigenous students have the same intellectual capabilities as non-Indigenous students. The education industry’s focus on ‘indigeneity’ is a politically driven distraction. If indigeneity was the problem, the majority of Indigenous students would not be passing. School failure is the problem. Some 20,000 students attend Indigenous schools—those with 75% or more Indigenous students. But only a handful of these schools are delivering effective literacy and numeracy. Another 40,000 Indigenous students attend underperforming mainstream schools, side-by-side with many more non-Indigenous students. Poor education delivered by these underperforming schools is the principal cause of educational failure in Australia for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous students.

Within Australia's education revolution lies another, quieter revolution that attempts to raise the profile and status, and improve the learning outcomes, of Australia's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples: children, young adults, women, and men. Two Way Teaching and Learning addresses the interface where two cultures meet: in the classroom, in the school, and in the community. Most of the contributors are highly experienced Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander practitioners drawn from academia, the teaching profession, and the community. They put the spotlight on policies and processes that serve to either facilitate an informed respectful relationship in education, or to reinforce cultural inequity and inequality. The policy implications - which can either be liberating or devastating for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Australian school systems - are exposed and explored with forensic care. Each contributor clearly articulates specific problems in complex areas - such as school retention, literacy and numeracy, self-concept and identity - and each offers practical strategies that address these issues. Written for teachers, policy-makers, academics, and administrators, Two Way Teaching and Learning works toward embedding a more culturally reflective, relevant, and inclusive agenda in places of learning for the benefit of all. At once confronting and uplifting, where there's an issue, there are also practical solutions and measurable outcomes.

In 2003, the Australasian Evaluation Society (AES) Board identified Indigenous evaluation as a strategic objective of the Society. In coming to this decision, the Board signalled that it believed it was important to consider Indigenous evaluation more fully and its potential implications for the AES, its members, and the practice of evaluation. This article provides brief background information about the factors that gave rise to the emergence of Indigenous evaluation as a strategic objective of the AES, describes the activities and progress for the period 2004–2007, and identifies possible strategies to further progress Indigenous evaluation. It argues that greater engagement on the part of AES members is needed to progress Indigenous evaluation as a strategic objective of the Society; in particular, the need for AES members to consider what Indigenous evaluation means or might mean for the Society and why, if at all, Indigenous evaluation has a place within the AES. The article is set in the context of my role as a past Executive member of the AES Board, with responsibility to progress Indigenous evaluation as a strategic objective of the Society. As such, it is a personal reflection of that journey to date.

This report, by the Social Policy Research Centre, is one of three themed studies undertaken for the Australian Government Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs as part of the national evaluation 2004–2008 of the Stronger Families and Communities Strategy (SFCS) 2004–2009. The themed studies are part of a cross-strategy evaluation of SFCS 2004–2009 designed to explore particular issues in-depth, and to identify common themes across the Communities for Children (CfC), Local Answers (LA) and Invest to Grow (ItG) programs. The Indigenous families and children themed study aims to identify the impact of LA, ItG and CfC on service provision and coordination in communities with high proportions of Indigenous children. Through understanding changes to service provision and coordination, the study also seeks to identify the impact of the programs on the lives of Indigenous families and children. A literature review, telephone and face-to-face interviews, focus groups and document analysis were undertaken to reach these aims. While limited information was available on LA projects, this study has found a number of common themes between CfC and ItG. Many findings throughout this report may be relevant to other community-based Indigenous programs, including LA. The report examines service provision, service coordination, Indigenous families and children in CfC sites, factors that facilitate or hinder service provision and outcomes, and sustainability. The findings are summarised below.

The Commonwealth Grants Commission was asked to develop a method that can be used to determine the relative needs of groups of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples for key government functions to assist the Government in targeting resources to areas of greatest need.

A key aspect to improving Indigenous wellbeing is exploring the relationship between land and wellbeing. Evidence exists which suggests there are positive physical health outcomes from living3 or working on country. However, it has also been argued that Indigenous health cannot improve whilst Indigenous peoples continue to live outside urban areas.4 These competing views will lead to the adoption of very different strategies for addressing Indigenous health issues. Therefore, it is critical to develop an understanding of the value of native title, the return of lands generally, or the capacity to live or work on country, to Indigenous peoples’ wellbeing. The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of relevant material. The central argument is that Indigenous health strategies should take into consideration the importance of connection to country to maximise their effectiveness.